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LABOR MOVEMENTS AND LABOR PROBLEMS IN AMERICA 


LABOR AND 
THE COMMON WELFARE 


BY 
SAMUEL GOMPERS 


PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR; 
VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL CIVIC 
FEDERATION 


COMPILED AND EDITED BY 
HAYES ROBBINS 


Nears J ao 
VORRG 
SINS) 
GG 
PUGS 


IS ho 


NEW YORK 


E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY 
. 681 FIFTH AVENUE 


CopPYRIGHT, 1919, 
By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY 


All Rights Reserved 


Printed in the United States of America 


FOREWORD 


The men and women who work for wages will largely shape 
the fortunes of America during the next generation. No other one 
fact stands out so sharply in the aftermath of the world war. 
According to the point of view, it is an outlook of menace or of 
confidence. There is apprehension in many minds that this vast 
emergence of labor, like the rising of a new continent out of the 
sea, means the sinking of civilization all about it under a wave 
of revolution and anarchy. On the other hand, there is a growing 
perception among people who think carefully and see far, that 
there are foundations under this new continent, that tremendous 
stabilizing forces have been at work. Perhaps we have only 
half believed that the welfare of mankind really is most secure 
when the pyramid rests broadly upon its base instead of balanc- 
ing on its apex; that the safest thing in human society, ultimately 
the only thing that is safe, is freedom, under the self-control of 
democracy. 

The growth of just this saving power of self-control, right in 
heart of the labor problem itself, is what most reassures those 
who see the future of democracy mainly as an industrial issue. 
That the trade union has been and is a great training school in 
every-day working democracy, whatever else may be said of it, is 
at last dawning on the general consciousness. Through a hun- 
dred years of fierce controversy, against the bitter hostility of 
most of the community instead of with its help, workingmen 
have been learning in their own way the one thing which in 
1919, this crucial day of reconstruction, has come to stand be- 
tween civilization and anarchy—the settled habit of self-govern- 
ment. 

Especially in the last generation the labor movement in Amer- 
ica has proved to itself, as to the whole body politic, that a vast ~ 
betterment in working and living conditions is actually possible 
through the orderly processes of self-help and free association, 
with no necessity of wrecking the economic and political system 

4 


428276 


vi FOREWORD 


under which our common problems are working out. These men 
of the forge and thé loom and the mine and the rail, whom so 
many in their wisdom have insisted must be helped up out of 
ignorance and taught the laws of economics and the “natural 
limits” of working-class progress, have themselves taught us how 
to make the industrial and wage system.meet the universal de- 
mand for a rising standard of life. And in doing that they have 
shown us, in the really fundamental sense, how to make the 
world safe for democracy. 

For this supreme demonstration America is indebted, more 
than to any other one force, to the industrial statesmanship of 
Samuel Gompers. The term itself has come into men’s minds 
instinctively in the effort to characterize Mr. Gompers’ philosophy, 
and life work. It is as the world’s first industrial statesman that 
he has made and is making his impress upon his time. In the 
modern world, the right appraisal of new forces is swift; it no 
longer requires a century to estimate unerringly either great inven- 
tion, great art or great leadership. 

In the critical years just ahead, men of affairs in the business 
world, in the labor movement, in public life, young men and 
women in the schools and colleges, sincere idealists in every group, 
will need the inspiration and guidance of broadly constructive 
ideas, grounded upon reasoned experience. The world convulsion 
has sent a wave of emotionalism over public sentiment. With its 
recession will come the settling down to actual decisions, the slow 

and painful finding of workable solutions in a complex of actual 

men and women as they are. It will not be a mental exercise 
in designing new worlds. But the issues and adjustments that 
face us and will face us are not new. They have taken on new 
edge and urgency, but in all essentials they are the same that 
have been fought out in our industrial relations and the clash 
of social theories for more than a generation—almost the exact 
period, in fact, of the rise of labor organization in America and 
of Mr. Gompers? manifold activities. 

In all this tremendous broadening of the base of the pyramid, 
all this hard fought struggle away from old and narrow concep- 
tions of democracy, all the re-application of old truths to new 
and unforeseen conditions, no other man has continuously played 
so active and influential a part, so humanly constructive, so high 
in educational meaning to the workers and nation builders ol 


FOREWORD : vii 


the next generation. Thirty years ago our national development 
was still mainly a problem of science, of invention, of industrial 
organization. From now one we have the more far-reaching, more 
searching and critical task of so shaping our industrial life that 
all the human elements within it share justly in the net results 
and are thereby enabled to work together in the spirit of co- 
operation and mutual respect. 
Very few, even of those whose sympathies lie with organized 
labor, comprehend what it means to be freely accorded and to 
hold the post of guidance i in this “freest democracy in the world.” 
Here, if nowhere else in our social organization, every step must 
be Pao in broad daylight, every motive is under scrutiny, every 
grant of power is under recall, every policy must win on its 
‘merits in the fire of debate which, if not always brutal, is certainly, 
never less than frank. To have maintained a firm leadership in 

such a movement for almost forty years, grappling at first hand 
with the ugliest front of every big and little issue of labor concern, 
guiding an all but outlawed group of a few hundred unpopular 
“agitators” to a powerful and respected self-governing body of 
nearly four million men and women of every race, language, trade 
and condition, is an achievement without precedent in the history 
of working-class movements in any country or any time. 

It goes without argument that a creative work of such pro- 
portions, particularly its underlying philosophy, deserves careful 
and unprejudiced study. Mr. Gompers’ ideas and practical coun- 
sel on a wide range of topics, as grouped for the first time in 
these volumes, reveal from the beginning an extraordinary single- 
ness of aim, consistency of logic and tenacious hold on funda- 
‘mental principles through this entire period of swift and changing 
currents in our national life. The educational value of so unique 
an experience, interpreted in the ripened thought of the man him- 
self, will become clearer in the parting of the ways just ahead. 
Thus far there has been no satisfactory means of conveying 
Mr. Gompers’ message as a logical whole, in orderly relation to 
the problems on which most men are groping in the dark. It is 
believed that the difficulty is met to a large extent in the selections 
rom his writings and addresses of the last thirty-five years, 
ouped respectively in the volumes “Labor and the Common 
elfare” and “Labor and the Employer.” As the titles suggest, 
e first discusses certain broad general phases of the labor prob- 


Aog¢esec 


viii FOREWORD 


lem in its relation to the life of the community as a whole; the 
second will deal with more specific issues and facts of every-day 
working relations, including the history, aims and achievements 
of the American Federation of Labor, its contact with various 
employers’ associations, the questions of wages and hours, of the 
so-called open shop and union shop, of child labor, women in in- 
dustry, unemployment, insurance, compensation, strikes, lockouts, 
boycotts and blacklisting, mediation, arbitration and collective 
bargaining, the labor view of profit-sharing, cooperation, efficiency 
systems, and of the true democratization of industry. 

To crystallize in this way the intellectual output of a lifetime 
necessarily sacrifices much of value in the full discussion of ques- 
tions from which only the net conclusions can be drawn. The 
gain lies in the focusing of Mr. Gompers’ best thought upon 
many of the problems a hard-pressed public opinion must 
solve almost in the moment it attempts to study them. Even 
the selections from earlier years bear upon matters still very 
much with us, and hold as well a definite historic interest of 
their own in marking from point to point the position organized 
labor has taken on significant issues of universal concern. Par- 
ticularly, they reveal the development of Mr. Gompers’ philosophy 
to the level of sure leadership and intellectual force which proved 
in the hour of supreme peril the chief factors in labor’s firm 
resistance to subtle propaganda, its tremendous and decisive mass- 
ing on the side of civilization. Here industrial statesmanship 
rose to world vision, saw the opportunity of the centuries to 
rid the world’s burden bearers of autocracy and militarism, and 
did not flinch from all it would cost to do it. 

Haves RopBINs. 


TABLE OF CONTENTS 


PAGE 
I. THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM ... . I 
i) LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY. .:;: .. .. . 23 
—__ Laborand PublicOpinion . . BS iron Pah) Ried 
“Friends of Labor,” Philanthropic ‘antl Doctnaane: PURER 2 tug o) 
he iNationall@ivic Federation: 90) ea ee a 6 
Wahowandithe Parmer) 3) 9). le te ee hw 40 
Laborand Good Citizenship . . ....... 42 
PTAs OC WAINGD TEE, BAW oe i ak el eR ag 
Governmentiand Lepislation (2. 9.) t) 0) ew a A 
Rights and Liberties Ae Soe rar rN aeametcr td Diaty ARERR nay csr) 
The Courts and Labor Injunctions PE 0 OY see a Heian rah ants <1 
IV. LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES ..... .. 78 
Immigration . . 4 She Reoultat ETA abet USA eI 
The Trusts and Faber ReMi siAihTaHL' Yanibea owas Maa ET ATT ursilpeabcek MOO 
Control of Capitaland Finance ........ . «QO 
Government Ownership CU aaterey eat IAAI Moy Cotect a Mec aa rein eG) 
adustrialybidtcation —.) 0 3) ee ee se ws fea TOL 
Woman Suffrage. . Seu Mtic all sania ey Pca el Mavala REO 
Free Speech and Public Assembly . CHU CRNERN eek p eet eH Sh eM Arete a doks] 
Convict Laborand Prison Reform ...... . . ‘II0 
He alpina Roa ieaLIOM o/s h el oes iah aN Vc) Wak al) lets) atl asl) |e) ES 
Conservation of Resources . . . May yer peer aik 
V. THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR Bye Whiz) 
VI. LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS ... . 147 

- ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE TO Oa AND 
REVOLUTION . 175 
Socialism and Socialist Tactics Real eine nnan uta a: Ma MARZ es 
The I. W. W., and “One mt Winlomny ee da die \ievinnal ath Pale oO 
Bolshevism .. . 206 
/IIIl. LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY ‘AND LIBERTY 211 
Patriotism, Trueand False. . . . 211 
| Haboris Bond of Fraternalism) 5) 305) 2) 2.) 2) 2) ee 228 
BIWEMLVMVCATSPAR ON ue lot aos ire te lfgretin! PAG e Way.) al iel (1 Sel) Sayin eae 
Pacifism and Internationalism . . . . . . . . . « 225 
Preparedness—not Militarism . . . . . . .. . © 239 
When the WarCame . Riau Aly PH SIAN Chk AMAL NO TRAIN Ay ly 
Through the Heat and Burden LALO CR NVERL Witty IN GML Oe NAIM NeW A 
Pe eeaee OL NAtIONS) (o)° /\'8), yer a) Mee ei mel Ue lray sleeen la anal area 
HE eaCe ANG RECONSEMICCION) 12) 2) Ws) TSN a pay srety os lee Ziz 

ix 


LABOR AND 
THE COMMON WELFARE 


The Author is indebted to George H. Doran Com- 
pany, publishers of his volume entitled Ameri- 
can Labor and the War for permission to reprint 
here numerous quotations from his speeches on 
labor problems, delivered during the war. 


LABOR AND THE COMMON 
WELFARE 


I 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE 
| UUNIONISM 


Modern industry evolves these organizations [trade unions] 
put of the existing conditions. . . . Trade unions are not barbar- 
dus, nor are they the outgrowth of barbarism. On the contrary 
they are only possible where civilization exists. . . . In semi- 
darbarous countries they can hardly exist, if indeed they can exist 
at all. But they have been formed successfully in this country, 
in Germany, in England, and they are gradually gaining strength 
in France. In Great Britain they are very strong; they have been 
formed there for fifty years, and they are still forming, and I 
think there is a great future for them yet in America. Wherever ’ 
trades unions are most firmly organized, there are the rights of 
the people most respected. A people may be educated, but to me 
't appears that the greatest amount of intelligence exists in that 
country or that State where the people are best able to defend 
their rights and their liberties as against those who are desirous 
pf undermining them. Trade unions are organizations that instil 
‘nto men a higher motive-power and give them a higher goal to 
‘ook to. The hope that is too frequently deadened in their 
dreasts when unorganized is awakened by the trades unions as it 
tan be by nothing else. 
| From testimony before United States Senate committee upon 
S Relations between Capital and Labor (Henry W. Blair, 


thairman), August 18, 1883. 


Wherever the working people have manifested their desire 
or improvement by organization, there improvement has taken 
I 


@ LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


place. Wherever the working people are the poorest, mos 
degraded and miserable, there we find the greatest lack of or 
ganization; and in the same degree as the basis of the organiza 
tion is improved, we see the greater improvement in the material 
moral and social condition of the people. There are some wh« 
believe it is necessary that the condition of the people shal 
become worse in order to move them to action, to bring abou 
the best results. How far from the truth, how illogical thi 
proposition is can be easily seen when we follow it out to it 
legitimate conclusion. If the poverty of the working peopl 
of the world was the factor that moved them to action and mor 
prosperous conditions, China ought to be at the head of civiliza 
tion. On the contrary we see that it is through the gradua 
process of evolution, the improved habits and customs, that ther 
is instilled into the minds of the people a recognition of th 
wrongs from which they suffer. The more the improved con 
ditions prevail, the greater discontent with any wrongs that ma} 
exist. It is only through the enlightenment begotten from ma 
terial prosperity that mental advancement becomes possible 
' —From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, St. Louis, Mo 
December 11-15, 1888. 


Of all the struggles of the human family for freedom, orde 
and progress, the trade unions are the direct and legitimate heir 
and successors. It is their mission to continue the battle for th: 
right until the term rights shall lose its relative significance b 
the abolition of injustice and wrongs. . . . To protect th 
innocent and young, to raise man and woman from the slough 
of poverty and despair to a proper appreciation of their right 
and duties is worthy of our best efforts, our highest aspiratior: 
and our noblest impulses——From Annual Report to A. F. of 1 
Convention, Boston, Mass., December 11, 1889. | 


There are those who, failing to comprehend the economi) 
political and social tendencies of the trade union movemen 
regard it as entirely “too slow,” ‘“‘too conservative,” and desil 
to hurl it headlong into a path which, while struggling and hopir 
for the end, will leave us stranded and losing the practical ar 
beneficial results of our efforts. I maintain that the workir 
people are in too great a need of immediate improvements 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 3 


heir condition to allow them to forego them in the endeavor to 
levote their entire energies to an idealistic end however beautiful 
© contemplate. I maintain further, that the achievement of 
resent practical improvements for the toilers places them on 
oO much vantage ground gained and renders them more capable 
o deal with the various problems it is their mission to solve. 
in the language of that foremost of economic and social thinkers, 
a Steward, “The way out of the wage system is through higher 
ages, resultant only from shorter hours. . . .” 

It has been charged that I am trying to drive the socialists 
t of the movement, that I am intolerant of others’ opinions. 
| desire to take this opportunity of saying that I have ever held 
t the trade unions are broad enough and liberal enough to 
dmit of any and all shades of thought upon the economic and 
cial question; but at the same time the conviction is deeply 
Doted in me that in the trade union movement the first con- 
ition requisite is good-standing membership in a trade union, 
Pgardless of to which party a man might belong. 

Those who have had any experience in the labor movement 
Nill admit the great work and forbearance, tact and judgment 
‘quisite to maintain harmony in organization. The trade unions 
7e no exception to this rule. In the trade union movement I 
‘ave ever endeavored to attain that much-desired end, and recog- 
ze that that in itself is of a sufficiently important nature and 
quirement as to preclude the possibility of jointly acting with 
ooo based upon different practical workings or policy. 
I am willing to subordinate my opinions to the well being, 
armony and success of the labor movement; I am willing to 
Herifice myself also in the furtherance of any action it may take 
ir its advancement; I am willing to step aside if that will 
omote our cause, but I can not and will not prove false to 
y convictions that the trade unions pure and simple are the 
|ttural organizations of the wage-workers to secure their present 
aterial and practical improvement and to achieve their final 
Nnancipation.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
Netroiwt, Mich., December, 1890. 


In the fourteenth century all organizations of workmen were 
Wohibited as “conspiracies.” In fact, less than a hundred years 
o, until 1795, no workman could legally travel in search of 


4 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


employment out of his own parish. But restrictive laws ar 
enactments to fix wages always end in failure. The day he 
passed when toilers could patiently submit. As W. T. Thornte 
tersely says: ‘Men are seldom collected together in large mass: 
without speedily discovering that union is strength; and me 
whose daily avocation obliged them to be constantly using, an 
by use to be constantly sharpening their wits, were not likely | 
be backward in making this discovery.” As a result of th 
determined opposition of the British workmen, trade unions al 
now legal societies there, with due protection given to their fund 
thus becoming constitutionally incorporated as institutions 
that country.—From address before the American Social Scien 
Congress, September 2, 1891. 


We can make of the trade unions exactly what the intelligenc 
and progress of our members will permit. These organizatior 
are of the most elastic character, and whatever action is agree 
upon by the organized wage-earning masses can be formulate 
and achieved by and through the trade unions. It is expecte 
that the leaders of the movement must exercise their best jud; 
ment. To artificially and prematurely expand the scope of th 
organizations is to encounter the danger that the whole fabr 
may be rent asunder and thus leave all in a plight of misery an 
despair—From Annual Report of A. F. of L. Convention, Phik 
delphia, Pa., December 12-17, 1892. 


Another impediment to the establishment of correct indu 
trial relations has resulted from the vicious interference of tk 
political economists with their unscientific analogy between con 
mercial commodities and human labor. The falsity of the 
analogy was exposed in 1850 by a Parisian workman who w: 
being examined before a commission appointed by the Frenc 
government to inquire into the condition of the working peopl 
One of the commissioners took occasion to impress upon ft] 
witness that labor was merely a merchandise. The workma 
replied, “If merchandise is not sold at one certain time it cz 
be sold at another, while if I do not sell my labor it is lost fi 
all the world as well as myself; and as society lives only upe¢ 
the results of labor, society is poorer to the whole extent of th: 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 5 


which I have failed to produce.”—From address at International 
Labor Congress, Chicago, Ill., September, 1893. 


You can not weigh a human soul in the same scales with a piece 
of pork. You cannot weigh the heart and soul of a child with the 
same scales upon which you weigh any commodity. 

“For this we hold the species human 


“Excels in value webs of cotton, 
“Or all the gold by wealth begotten.” 


From address Logansport, Indiana, February 11, 1891. 


To-day we find it just as necessary to defend the faith that is 
within us that the trade union is the natural and legitimate 
organization of the working classes as at any time since their 
‘first organization. Nor need this cause surprise. As a rule the 
trade unions have no platform of principles declaratory of pur- 
poses to which the flights of the imagination often soar, but 
‘which so frequently, but simply, appeal to the passionate, the 
‘nervous, or the sentimental. The trade unions are the business 
organizations of the wage-earners, to attend to the business of 
the wage-earners; and while the earnest, honest, thinking trade 
unionists must necessarily be sentimental, theoretical, self-sacri- 
ficing, and brave, these if needs be they must sink for a time in 
order that the best interests of the wage-earners may be advanced. 
Even if but to gain a milestone on the thorny road of 
‘emancipation. 

The trade unions have the serious work of labor’s difficulties 
ito deal with. They must contend for the toiler’s rights and 
against the toiler’s wrongs of to-day; to take up the gauntlet 
when it is thrown down to us; to throw it down in earnest battle 
to save the lives of our young and innocent children; to rescue 
ithem from the factories and work-shops where their bones and 
sinews are freely coined into dollars of the soundest kind; to place 
them in the play-ground .and school-room, to make the labor of 
an so remunerative that it will enable the bread-winner to main- 
ain his loved ones as becomes a man and citizen; to wrest from 
the profit mongers of all kinds the greatest monopoly on earth; 
the monopoly of the worker’s time; to secure for the toilers, re- 
jef from the long hours of burdensome toil, and find work for 
ose who can not find work at all, to fight for full enfranchise- 


6 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


ment of labor, not only at the polls, in the halls of legislation, but 
far more important than all these, in the factory, work-shop, mill. 
mine, or field. 

' These are some of the questions that the trade unions have 
daily confronting them; winning battles and securing cancessions 
here and there, sometimes a struggle lost, yet ever keeping up the 
contest until victory is fully and finally achieved. No wondet 
that the trade unions have little time and care less for declarations 
of principles, which though high-sounding phrases mean little 
fade away and leave the workers demoralized and desperate, with 
hopes deferred and destroyed, indeed, too often made their hearts 
sad. 

At best the struggles of labor, the obstacles in the path o: 
progress of the working-class are severe enough, without theit 
being continually called upon not only to defend the knowledge 
of and the faith in our organizations against the antagonism of 
pelf, avarice, and greed, but also to defend them against covert 
attack from pretended friends of our organizations and our move- 
ment. No wonder that the trade unions with these ever recur: 
ring struggles and contentions ever commanding their attentior 
are more concerned in deeds than words, achievements thar 
promises, practical results than theories—From Annual Repor 
to A. F. of L. Convention, Cincinnati, Ohio, December, 1896. 


The trade unions are the legitimate outgrowth of moderr 
societary and industrial conditions. They are not the creatior 
of any man’s brain. They are organizations of necessity. They 
were born of the necessity of the workers to protect and defend 
themselves from encroachment, injustice and wrong. ‘They are 
the organizations of the working class, for the working class, by 
the working class; grappling with economic and social problem: 
as they arise, dealing with them in a practical manner to the end 
that a solution commensurate with the interests of all may be 
attained. 

From hand labor in the home to machine and factory labot 
witnessed the transition from the trade guilds to the trade unions; 
with the concentration of wealth and the development of in. 
dustry, the growth from the local to the national and the inter- 
national unions, and the closer affiliation of all in a broad anc 
comprehensive federation. 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 7 


‘There are some who, dissatisfied with what they term the slow 
ogress of the labor movement, would have us hasten it by what 
hey lead themselves to believe is a shorter route. No intelligent 
vorkman who has passed years of his life in the study of the 
abor problem, expects to wake up any fine morning to find the 
jopes of these years realized over night, and the world on the 
lood-tide of the millennium. With the knowledge that the past 
ells us of the slow progress of the ages, of trial and travail, 
nistakes and doubts yet unsolved; with the history of the work- 
ag class bedewed with the tears of a thousand generations and 
inged with the life-blood of numberless martyrs, the trade 
nionist is not likely to stake his future hopes on the fond chance 
f the many millions turning philosophers in the twinkling of 
n eye. ; 
Much of our misery as enforced wage-workers springs, not so 
auch from any power exerted by the “upper” or ruling class, as 
: is the result of the ignorance of so many in our own class who 
ccept conditions by their own volition. The more intelligent, 
ealizing their inability to create a millennium, will not descend 
>? trickery or juggling with terms. They seek to benefit them- 
2lves and their fellow men through trade unions and trade union 
ction, and, by bearing the brunt, be in the vanguard in the 
ause, and hasten on the process of education that will fit hu- 
lanity even to recognize the millennium when it arrives. 

_Each “ism” has stood but as an evanescent and iridescent 
ream of poor humanity groping blindly in the dark for its ideal; 
od it has caused many a heart-wrench to relegate some idealism 
f movements which do not move, to the dead ashes of blasted 
ppes and promises. 

Throughout all these dreams and hopes and fears and attacks, 
ituperation and misrepresentation, the trade unionists have 
lodded along their weary way since the miner of Laurium, three 
lousand years ago, laid down his pick; and, though phantas- 
lagorias and dreams have lived and died, the wage-earner, with 
lick and shovel, with hammer and saw and plane, with hands 
jn the lever of the highest developed machines, kept, and keeps, 
fganizing and plodding along toward better conditions of life. 
|The trade unions not only discuss economics and social prob- 
ms, but deal with them in a practical fashion calculated to bring 
out better conditions of life to-day, and thus fit the workers 


8 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


for the greater struggles for amelioration and emancipation y 
to come. 

No one having any conception of the labor problems—t. 
struggles of life—would for a moment entertain the notion, mu 
less advise the workers, to abstain from the exercise of th 
political rights and their political power. On the contrary, tra 
funion action upon the surface is economic action, yet there is : 
\act which the trade unions can take but which in its effect 
political. 

But, in the exercise of the political power of the workers, th 
is, the casting of the ballot, we are sometimes urged to throw 
the winds the experience and the tangible results of ages, and 
hazard the interests of labor in a new era of political partisanshi 

We want legislation in the interest of labor; we want legis! 
tion executed by labor men; we want trade unionists in Congre 
and more trades unionists in the State legislatures, in our muni 
pal councils and in our executive offices; we want trade unionis 
on the magisterial benches, and those convinced of the justice 
our cause, with the courage of their convictions, in the highe 
offices of our land. We shall secure them, too, by acting as tra 
unionists rather than turning our trade unions into partis; 
ward clubs. 

Our movement is of the wage-earning class, recognizing th 
class interests, that class advancement, that class progress is be 
made by working class trade union action. That we shall recei 
the codperation of others, goes without saying; but only as t 
trade unions grow in numbers, in power and in intelligence, shi 
we disenthrall the minds and freedom of action of sympathize 
with our cause, who gladly await the hour to place the be 
sheaves of their laurels of learning at the feet of the advancil 
hosts of organized labor. 

Spencer has said that it has always been the remnant in socie 
which has saved it from reaction or barbarism. To-day mode 
society is beginning to realize that the trade unions are the on 
hope of our civilization, and to regard them as the only pow 
whose mission it is to evolve order out of our social chaos, to sa’ 
us from reaction, brutality and perhaps barbarism. Our progre 
may be slow, yet it is the fastest, the safest and best evolvs 
from the human mind; and even in its present form, is the ger 
of a future state which all will hail with glad acelaim. Then ' 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 9 


e it, to concentrate our energies in order that its progress 

y be sure, that its advancement may be unimpeded, that its 
evelopment may be unrestricted and its success unimpaired, is 
e duty of every intelligent worker, every lover of the human 


e. 

fe The toilers of our country look to you to devise the ways and 
means by which a more thorough organization of the wage-earners 
may be accomplished, and to save our children in their infancy 
rom being forced into the maelstrom of wage slavery. Let us 
see to it that they are not dwarfed in body and mind, or brought 
0 a premature death by early drudgery; give them the sun- 
hine of the school-room and playground, instead of the factory 
and the workshop. To protect the workers in their inalienable 
rights to a higher and better life; to protect them, not only as 
squals before the law, but also in their rights to the product of 
their labor; to protect their lives, their limbs, their health, their 
homes, their firesides, their liberties as men, as workers, and as 
itizens; to overcome and conquer prejudice and antagonism; to 
secure to them the right to life, and the opportunity to maintain 

hat life; the right to be full sharers in the abundance which is 
the result of their brain and brawn, and the civilization of which 
they are the founders and the mainstay; to this the workers are 
entitled beyond the cavil of a doubt. With nothing less ought 
they, or will they, be satisfied. The attainment of these is the 
orious mission of the trade unions. No higher or nobler mis- 
sion ever fell to the lot of a people than that committed to the 
working class—a class of which we have the honor to be members. 
From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Kansas City, 
Mo., December, 1898. 


I believe that as time goes on the wage-earners will continue 
ito become larger sharers per dollar cf the wealth produced. I 
have no fear as to the future of organized labor. I have no fear 
to the future of labor. This morning I indicated the fact that 
here is a constant struggle which has been going on from time 
mmemorial between the wealth possessors and those who pro- 
duce wealth, and that struggle has manifested itself in different 
orms, at different times, in different countries. That struggle 
as continued up to date, and will continue so long as there are 
diverse interests between the two. ... There is something [ 


10 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


want to obviate, that I am trying to give my life’s work to ol 
viate, that the struggle shall not be so bitter and costly —Fro 
testimony before United States Industrial Commission, April 1. 
1899. 


What is your city but a union of men and women surrenderir 
a portion of their rights and privileges in order that the gre: 
good of all may be conserved? What is your state but a great 
union? and what is the United States but a vast union?—Fro: 
address at Portland, Oregon, August 4, 1902. 


Labor is often spoken of as a commodity, but there is anoth 
phase to be considered. . . . You may buy a pound of por 
or a yard of cotton, and calculate upon such a transaction witl 
out heart, but when you discuss the question of labor and lab 
power there is an element of human nature that goes with i 
You can not differentiate the labor from the laborer. You cz 
not take labor and disregard the one who performs it. He 
made cold by the same blast and made warm by the same sun 
mer sun; feels the same pain and is made glad by the san 
influences; he has the same hopes and the same aspirations; an 
as a human being, as a man, as a father and as a fellow-citize 
associated with us all, in whose hands is placed the destiny « 
our republic, the beacon light to the down-trodden of all tl 
earth—it behooves us to look upon the laborer as somethir 
more than a hewer of wood and a drawer of water, a mere con 
modity upon the market—From address at Buffalo, N. Y., b 
fore the Independent Club, January 8, 1903. 


Professor Leroy, one of the greatest sociologists of our tim 
said that after years of study and remaining in the slums of tl 
great city, he found that the labor unions were the greate 
factors in improving the conditions of the lowest grades of humz 
society. 

President Lincoln, in a speech at Hartford in 1860, referrit 
to the New England shoe workers’ strike, said: 


Thank God, we have a system of labor where there can be a strik 
Whatever the pressure, there is a point where the workingmen mi 
stop. 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM II 


Thorold Rogers, the greatest historian of economics, says: 


I look to the trade unions as the principal means for benefiting the 
condition of the working classes. 


On another occasion he said: 


Capital is the fruit of labor and could not exist if labor had not 
first existed. Labor, therefore, deserves much the higher consideration. 


Wendell Phillips said: 


I rejoice at every effort workingmen make to organize. I hail the 
labor movement; it is my only hope for democracy. Organize and 
stand together. Let the nation hear a united demand from the labor- 
ing voice. 


Gladstone said: 


Trade unions are the bulwarks of modern democracies. 


_ The National Association of Builders says: 


_ It is eminently dangerous and destructive to the best interests of the 
individual wage-worker to proceed as though there were no other 
-wage-workers, and infinitely to his advantage to seek for and adopt 
-measures by which he may move so as not to jar and perhaps over- 
turn himself as well as others. 


Dr. Ingraham, doctor of philosophy, said: 


Attacked and denounced as scarcely any other institution has been, 
the unions have thriven and grown in face of opposition. This healthy 
vitality has been due to the fact that they were a genuine product of 
social needs, indispensable as a protest and a struggle against the abuses 
of industrial government, and inevitable as a consequence of that con- 
sciousness of strength inspired by the concentration of numbers under 
‘the new conditions of industry. 


From Labor Day Address, Indianapolis, Ind., 1903. 


The great good any movement has accomplished in the uplift- 
ing of the masses has never been accorded it during the militant 
stages of its achievement; and ours is not and can not be an 
exception. It must remain for the student and historian of the 
ture to portray the struggles, the burdens, the heroism, the 
jhopes, the aspirations, and marvelous achievements of our great 
Movement. All we can do in our day is to keep on and on, true 
pto our highest conception of duty, hence true to our fellows, 
onsciously and confidently relying upon the future, unhampered 
wy prejudice and sordid avarice, to accord our purposes, efforts, 
and achievements in the interest of humanity the place in history 


12 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


which they justly deserve-—From Annual Report to A. F. of L 
Convention, Boston, Mass., November, 1903. 


A man can, upon the prairie, build himself a hut and apply the 
torch to it. Let him attempt to do that in any one of our metro- 
politan cities and he will be arrested and put into jail, for out 
upon the plain he does himself the only injury that is being done; 
in the city he endangers the life, and the property, and the peace 
and tranquillity of his neighbors. If in the old, old time a mar 
wanted to sell his labor to another, under the old and primitive 
conditions; if he desired to accept poor economic conditions as 
the result of his work, he injured no one but himself. In ou 
day of highly developed industry, with concentrated wealth under 
the direction of the few—or comparatively few—the individual 
workman who attempts to make a bargain with the directors o1 
the representatives of such a directorate simply places himself in 
the position of a helpless, rudderless craft on a tempestuou: 
ocean. If he but did himself a wrong, we might pity him and 
concede not only his legal but his moral right; but for the work- 
man who toils for wages, and expects to end his days in the wage- 
earning class, as conditions seem to point, it will be a necessity 
—his bounden duty to himself, his family, to his fellow-men, anc 
to those who are to come after him—to join in the union witl 
his fellow-craftsmen and fellow-workmen to uphold the standarc 
of life and to make joint effort for the uplifting of the wage 
workers, and with them the whole social fabric of our time anc 
for the time to come.—From address before The National Civi 
Federation, New York, N. Y., December, 1903. 


The theory of the Knights of Labor, when alive, was the or 
ganization of the wage-earners primarily, but others were ad 
mitted, except lawyers and bankers; and the organization of al 
those who accepted its platform of principles, the organization o: 
these in bodies regardless of their trade, occupation, vocation, o! 
profession. It undertook to wipe out the lines of industry anc 
make one whole organization of all classes of labor. 

I took occasion at one time to say, in making comparison, thd 
that theory was not only untenable, but that it was unnatural) 
that it would be just as impractical for purposes of achievin; 
anything in the interest of the working people as it would be i 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 13 


plied to the different divisions of men in an army corps, 
haps cavalrymen, artillerymen, infantrymen, foot and horse 
Idiers, all being mixed up in a great potpourri. Chaos and 
\nfusion would reign if an order were given to it to advance. 
Jae greatest safety for such an army corps, made up in such a 
\shion, would be in remaining stationary. An order to advance 
fuld be its own annihilation—From hearing before Committee 
t the Judiciary, House of Representatives, January 13-March 
', 1904, on bill to limit meaning of the word “conspiracy.” 


That so long as man shall live and have his being, so long as 
ere shall dwell in the human heart a desire for something better 
d nobler, so long as there is in the human mind the germ of 
je belief in human justice and human liberty, so long as there 
‘in the whole makeup of man a desire to be a brother to his 
Jow-man, so long will there be the labor movement. 
It expresses all of the struggles of the past, all the sacrifices 
d bitterness that the human family has tasted in its experience. 
jie movement embraces all the tenderness of the human family, 
| of its hopes and all of its aspirations for the real liberty of 
jinkind. 
he labor movement is founded on the bedrock of opposition 
| wrong. It is based on the aspiration for right. I want you, 
d all of us, to codperate with the best that is within us to 
ke the labor movement strong and powerful and influential, 
id that it may grow day by day. And the day that comes shall 
» for it a better and brighter path than the day that has gone, 
id open up a new vista of light and life and happiness for the 
me and fireside and the wife and the children. And that the 
jrdens of labor shall be lighter and man shall be a brother to 
fellow-man.—From address at Firemen’s Convention, Wash- 
ton, D. C., August, 1904. 


t is the duty of man to work, but work was never designed ~ 
ought never to be so prostituted as to lead to debasement 
slavery.—A merican Federationist, November, 1904. 


am trade unionist here for the same reason that I would be 
ade unionist in Great Britain, for the same reason that I 
uld be a revolutionist in Russia. 

he people of Russia have too long borne the tyranny from 


14 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


which they have suffered. In Russia, without the freedom 
speech or of the press, the thoughts of the discontented mt 
find their vent somewhere or somehow, and we find it, to-d 
when Russia is stirred from center to circumference, in the d 
mand of the people there for human rights. 

We are trade unionists in the United States, we are tra 
unionists in Great Britain, because opportunities are afforded f 
free association, for free speech, the free assemblage, and the fr 
press, and because we have these guarantees of freedom we fi 
in our movement in the United States the opportunity for evol 
tion rather than revolution—From address at meeting of Pla 
Printers Union No. 2, Washington, D. C., January 21, 1905. 


During former periods of industrial crises or trade stagnatic 
when labor complacently acquiesced in wage reductions, the p 
litical economists of the day proclaimed and employers general 
followed the theory that the law of “supply and deman 
governed all things; that “labor is a commodity to be bought 
the open market” and that the wages paid to labor were 
necessity controlled by the law of supply and demand. 

The laborers seemed defenceless; they were compelled to abi 
by that inexorable so-called law, cruelly and heartlessly applie 
human hearts, manhood, womanhood, childhood, with all th 
these imply, were entirely denied consideration. 

That the law of supply and demand has its place in natu 
and in primitive, natural conditions, no thinking man will d 
pute; but when we realize what science has done and what pro 
ress has been made to overcome the primitive conditions 
nature; what has been accomplished in machinery and tools 
labor, in the means of transportation of products and of ma 
the means of transmission of information and intelligence, t 
fact becomes immediately patent that man has made nature co 
form to his wants and that the original conception of the lz 
of supply and demand has been largely overcome, and can > 
still further overcome by intelligent, comprehensive and dete 
mined action of the wage-earners, who by their associated effc 
shall refuse to have their brain and brawn, their hearts and t 
hearts of those beloved by them, weighed in the same scale wi 
the side of a hog or a bushel of coal. 

For quite a period of years we have not heard the claim 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 15 


e inexorability of the law of supply and demand discussed, 
articularly so far as its application to labor is concerned. I 
yave looked in vain for nearly ten years for an argument to 
e made on that subject by the old school of political econo- 
ists and the antagonists to labor. It may even seem strange 
pat I should discuss it in this report, but my purpose in address- 
jig myself to this is to rivet your attention to the fact that the 
u : : é : 2 
japrovement in our lives and in our homes is due to the organized 
jlort of the working people of our country and to it alone. The 
pason for the absence of discussion by our opponents of the 
fecalled law of supply and demand is that the conditions of 
ibor have gone onward and upward; that we are in deadly 
arnest and that we shall not permit ourselves to be forced back- 
ard or downward.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Con- 
i” Norfolk, Va., November, 1907. 


: It must be remembered that the trade union while not a trust 
ist as inevitable and logical a development as the trust itself. 
e trade union finds its greatest development under the same 
sonomic conditions which produce the trust; that is, the intro- 
ction of machinery, the subdivision of industry, the adoption 
; vast and complicated systems of production which obliterate 
le individuality of the worker and thus force him into an asso- 
ation, but not a trust, with his fellows in order that collectively 
jMey may protect their rights as wage-workers and as citizens and 
so guard the interests of all workers. 
Let me reiterate most emphatically here and now that the trade 
ton is not, and from its very nature can not be, a trust. It is 
ymetimes derisively called a trust by those who expose their 
ignorance of economic first principles in making such a 
jatement. 
The trade union is the voluntary association of the many for 
te benefit of all the community. The trust is the voluntary 
sociation of the few for their own benefit. The trade union 
ts no limit upon its membership, except that of skill and char- 
iter, it welcomes every wage-worker. In fact, its strength and 
fluence rest in its universal adoption by the wage-workers as 
le permanent and potent method of voicing their needs. Were- 
ery wage-worker in the country a member of organized labor, 
ill would there be no labor trust. 


16 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Trusts consist of organizations for the control of the produ 
of labor. Laborers have not a product for sale. They poss 
their labor power; that is, their power to produce. Certaii 
there can not be a trust in anything which has not been p 
duced. Hence, for this if for no other potent reason, it is econc 
ically unsound as well as it is untrue to designate organizati 
of labor as trusts—American Federationist, November, 1907 


Doing for people what they can and ought to do for themsel 
is a dangerous experiment. In the last analysis the welfare 
the workers depends upon their own initiative. Whatever 
done under the guise of philanthropy or social morality which 
any way lessens initiative is the greatest crime that can be cc 
mitted against the toilers. Let social busy-bodies and prof 
sional ‘‘public morals experts” in their fads reflect upon © 
perils they rashly invite under this pretense of social welfare 
From pamphlet, “The Workers and The Eight-Hour Work-da 


1915. 


Suppose the trade and labor unions of America could be crust 
and driven out of existence by legislation and court decre 
what then? Is it not true that each worker would become 
irresponsible man without association with his fellows, with 
opportunity for consultation, and without the restraining as ¥ 
as the constructive influence which open and voluntary organi 
tion gives? Then would the workers seek their own redress 
their own individual way. Is such a condition desirable, 
tolerable to the normal, rational, intelligent, peaceful organi 
tions of labor of our day?—From Annual Report to A. F. of 
Convention, Denver, Col., November, 1908. 


Non-unionists who reap the rewards of union effort, with 
contributing a dollar or risking a loss of a day, are parasit 
They are reaping a benefit from the union spirit, while tl 
themselves are debasing genuine manhood. Having rights, tl 
are too cowardly to stand up for them—the right of being « 
of the parties to a two-party contract; the right to take a shi 
in the world-wide struggle of labor for the advance of the woi 
ing classes; the right to speak up for labor, before the employ 
before the public, before the lawgivers, before the oppressors 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 17 


king women and children. What would become of the general 
yvement for factory and mine inspection, safety appliances in 
zard to machinery, for enforcing labor bureau laws, for com- 
nsation in case of injuries, for increasing the age when children 
ty go to work, the limitation of their hours of labor, etc., etc., 
re it not for the trade unions? Every non-union employee 
ows the truth which such questions must evoke in reply. The 
asequence must be, and sooner or later always is, that the still, 
all voice of honor, working without cease and secretly in each 
n’s mind and heart, causes him to yearn for the fellowship 
the men of courage gathered together in the unions, and finally 
pels him to seize the occasion to break away from his feudal 
tions with his employer and convert the latter from a master 
° a fellow-creature who is in the market to buy something 
m his equal—the man who sells his labor power.—American 
derationist, June, 1910. 


Competition among mankind is to be encouraged or dis- 
ged as it proves helpful or harmful to the race. By the 
ts of helpfulness or harmfulness it is legitimate or illegitimate. 
is legitimate, and presumably will by necessity exist in all 
ure society, of whatever form, when practiced under equal 
ditions of just opportunity to obtain the objects competed for 
ng the human beings in any given group. It is illegitimate, 
the present economic conditions of society, wherever men, 
rived of their just opportunities for existence and self-develop- 
t and the full products of their past labor, are obliged to 
pete through a forced sale of their labor power with other 
similarly situated, to gain the necessaries of life. Dr. Eliot - 
y unfairly select and quote, to the extent this globe affords, 
trations that lie in the class of beneficial competition, such as 
mn “in family, school, and college,” and prove with every case 
argument for competition. But he must avoid, as he has 
wingly done, illustrations of the economic struggle. In this 
in, unrestricted competition among the masses of wage- 
kers, possessed individually of but a short-time purchase of 
pendent existence, reduces them to work-place conditions and 
wage which, if not slavery and starvation, are deprivative 
degree abhorrent to all men moved by a sense of social 
ice. Especially true is this fact in the presence of the wealth 


18 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


produced in so great measure by the wage-workers and of — 
practical possibilities of production in the present age—Am 
can Federationist, November, 1910. 


“The narrowness of trade unionism.” This phrase pas 
current, at full face value, in every camp and even in ev 
grouplet of “intellectuals.” In going the whole round of © 
“isms,” sociological, ethical, legal, political, reformatory, play 
out popular crazes, or “just-out” social panmaceas, one will h 
expressed by the leaders a sentiment that the trade unionists | 
hide-bound conservatives—because they decline to rush in 
body to take the magic medicine for social ills offered by 
particular “ism” advocated by the critic in each particular ca 

It is a fact that trade unionism in America moves on in 
own set and deliberate way. In so doing, it has outlived ws 
upon wave of hastily conceived so-called “broad” moveme 
that were to reconstruct society in a single season. And it ] 
sufficiently good cause for continuing its own reasoned-out cout 

A full defense of trade unionism against the charge of narr¢ 
ness would require many volumes, were each to be separat 
devoted to counter-statements and argumentation addressed 
every critic advocating his own special “ism” as against tr: 
unionism. But there is one broad bottom fact underlying all 
criticisms of trade unionism based on its alleged narrown« 
That fact is, that trade unionism is not narrow. 

The locomotive engine is not “narrow” because it is not fit 
to run on highways and by-ways and waterways as it is for r; 
ways, nor is the steamship “narrow” because it can not be mz 
to run on land. But steam, the motive power, can be so appl 
that it is effective on both land and water. An engine is adap 
to a special use; steam in its applications is universal. 

Similarly, a trade union is not a machine fitted to the work 
directly affecting all the civic, social, and political changes nec 
sary in society. But it first of all teaches the working clas 
the power of combination. Thenceforward it disciplines the 
leads them to perform tasks that are possible, and permits 
members of any of its affiliated bodies to attempt any form 
social experiment which does not imperil the organization a: 
whole. The spirit of combination has the immediate effects 
self-confidence for the democratic elements in the unions, 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 19 


wth in the loyalty of workingman for workingman, of con- 
nt progressive achievement not confined to restricted limits. 
is therefore a motive power continuously and variously ap- 
cable as the masses move forward and upward in their indi- 
ual and collective development. 
[he spirit of combination in the wage-workers has as a motive 
wer many points of resemblance to that of steam (or for that 
tter electricity) in the mechanical world. One of these points 
that the machine to be moved must not be too big or too 
nplex for the engine. Theorist social reformers beyond enume- 
ion have in vain offered their utopian inventions to the masses 
sause the latter, endowed with common sense, have, on due 
servation, refused to supply the needed wasteful power to 
ke the inventions go. If they had done so for a time, they 
lid but have exhibited the folly of going to greater pains and 
ubles than the present social machinery requires. The history 
the United States is plentifully illustrated with millennial ex- 
iments, illusory for the reason that their maintenance in some 
| bvertaxed their supporters, accustomed to making progress 
the freedom and opportunity of America even as it is. 
o other mechanism for carrying out the will of the wage- 
‘kers in the domain in which they can especially benefit them- 
es has equaled the trade union and the trade union move- 
ht in bringing desired results. No other has equally stood the 
/of time. No other has thrown anything like the light upon 
} state of mind of the masses with respect to their economic 
cation. No other has been able to show how intensely prac- 
: l the workingmen are—nor how devoted they can show them- 
es to a clearly defined principle, nor how ready they are to 
Ht to their own leadership, nor how they invariably refuse, as 
ass, to embark in fiction-born utopian ventures. The trade 
mn has been broad enough for all practical purposes. 
nd yet trade unionism is the soundest base yet laid for every 
ject that gives promise to the working class for a firm and 
i advance. Moving step by step, trade unionism contains 
Po itself, as a movement and as a mechanism, the possibilities 
lestablishing whatever social institution the future shall de- 
i for the workers as the predestined universal element in 
rol of society—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Conven- 


P St. Louis, Mo., November, rgro. 


20 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


A hundred times we have said it, and we say it again, t 
trade unionism contains within itself the potentialities of wo 
ing-class regeneration. It is practical democracy; it affo 
within itself daily object lessons in ideal justice; it breathes i 
the working classes the spirit of unity; it provides a field 
noble comradeship, for deeds of loyalty, for self-sacrifice ben 
cial to one’s fellow-workers. In contending for the political ; 
economic rights of its members, the trade union teaches th 
rights to the entire working class. And on a knowledge of th 
rights, society will establish its future development.—A meri 
Federationist, July, 191t. 


The ground-work principle of America’s labor movement 
been to recognize that first things must come first. The prim 
essential in our mission has been the protection of the wa 
worker, now; to increase his wages; to cut hours off the 
workday, which was killing him; to improve the safety and 
sanitary conditions of the work-shop; to free him from 
tyrannies, petty or otherwise, which served to make his existe 
a slavery. These, in the nature of things, I repeat, were < 
are the primary objects of trade unionism. 

Our great Federation has uniformly refused to surrender 1 
conviction and to rush to the support of any one of the numer 
society-saving or society-destroying schemes which decade 
decade have been sprung upon this country. A score of si 
schemes, having a national scope, and being for the passing « 
subject to popular discussion, have gone down behind the hori 
and are now but ancient history. But while our Federation 
thus been conservative, it has ever had its face turned tow 
whatever reforms, in politics or economics, could be of dil 
and obvious benefit to the working classes. It has never gi 
up its birthright for a mess of pottage. It has pursued its avo 
policy with the conviction that if the lesser and immediate: 
mands of labor could not be obtained now from society as il 
it would be mere dreaming to preach and pursue that wi 
the-wisp, a new society constructed from rainbow materials 
system of society on which even the dreamers themselves h 
never agreed.— From Annual Report of A. F. of L. Convent 
Atlanta, Ga., November, 1911. 


THE PHILOSOPHY OF TRADE UNIONISM 21 


_ These three demands of organized labor are comprehended in 
his larger and ultimate ideal—to enrich, enlarge, and magnify 
tumanity. The influence and the potency of the American 
?ederation of Labor are so well appreciated by the thinkers and 
eaders in our nation’s affairs, that almost every considerable 
movement for humanitarian, economic, or political reform has 
mdeavored to enlist our approval and support. Men of labor, 
e play an honorable and important part in the affairs of this 
eat nation. We are daily helping to determine its destiny.— 
"rom Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Rochester, N. Y., 
ovember, 1912. 


Under the old feudal system, it was not within the power or 
ithin the right of workingmen to heed, to take counsel about, 
o discuss questions of wages, hours of labor and conditions of 
ployment. Then it was held to be a violation of the property 
ght of the master for the workers to attempt to discuss or to 
termine upon wages and hours and conditions of labor. In- 
, if workingmen, or an individual workingman, attempted 
shirk duty, to go elsewhere in search of employment, or what 
ot, so long as he absented himself from the domain of his 
vaster, according to the laws and the power of government he 
as subject to arrest, to be brought back for trial upon the 
arge of robbing his master of the labor to which that master 
as entitled, and he was, if found guilty, whipped, publicly 
rhipped, publicly branded on the forehead with the letter “V,” 
hich declared him forever a villain. If he repeated the offense 
me of his ears was cut off and he was branded on the forehead 
ith a red-hot iron with the letter “S,” which marked him for- 
er a slave. For the third offense he was hanged to the gibbet. 
ese customs were based on denial to the worker of the right 
assert or to claim that he had any right of ownership in him- 
f or his labor power.—From address at Conference on Anti- 
rust Law, New York City, December 12, 1913. 


In improving conditions from day to day the organized labor 
ovement has no “fixed program” for human progress. If you 
rt out with a program everything must conform to it. With 
eorists, if facts do not conform to their theories, then so much 
worse for the facts. Their declarations of theories and ac- 


22 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


tions refuse to be hampered by facts. We do not set ar 
particular standard, but work for the best possible conditio: 
immediately obtainable for the workers. When they are obtains 
then we strive for better. 

It does not require any elaborate social philosophy or gre 
discernment to know that a wage of $3 a day and a workday « 
eight hours in sanitary workshops are better than $2.50 a dé 
and a workday of twelve hours under perilous conditions. T] 
working people will not stop when any particular point is reachec 
they will never stop in their efforts to obtain a better life fe 
themselves, for their wives, for their children, and for all hi 
manity. The object is to attain complete social justice—Fro 
abstract of testimony before United States Commission on I; 
dustrial Relations, New York City, May 21-23, 1914. 


The question propounded centuries ago, “Am I my brother 
keeper?” is being answered by the labor movement and tl 
social conscience it arouses. Yes; you are your brother’s keepe 
and unless you help to lighten his burden yours will be made 
much the heavier—From address at Wilmington, Del., Januar 
27, 1916. 


Class is no assurance of genius, ability or wisdom. No mz 
is fit to control the lives of his fellows. The trade unions a: 
the agencies through which wage-earners are working out the 
destinies and interposing a check upon arbitrary power in i 
dustry. The spiritual effect of industrial freedom is of incalc 
lable potency in determining the moral fiber of the nation.- 
American Federationist, November, 1916. 


Il 
LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 


| LABOR AND PUBLIC OPINION 


The efforts of the toiling masses of our country to carry on 
1e struggles for improved conditions have been met in the spirit 
the bitterest antagonism. Our methods to gradually improve 
te condition of the masses have been regarded and treated as if 
e were the enemies rather than the friends of the human family. 
Jar has practically been declared against the labor organiza- 
ons, and war measures resorted to in the effort to crush them. 
But will they be crushed? We answer No. A thousand times 
o. The labor movement is the manifestation of that unrest 
orn of the conviction that injustice prevails which needs remedy- 
ig and supplanting by justice and right. The labor movement 
pices the aspirations of the toiling masses as well as lays bare 
eir wrongs. It is the means through which tyranny is held in 
eck; it lives in their minds and hearts, and will not and cannot 
e crushed.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
hiladelphia, Pa., December, 1892. 


During the year our movement has been assailed with more 
itterness from theoreticians than during any preceding year of 
le existence of our movement. Upon entering upon my present 
mm of office, I issued an appeal to the different schools of 
tought connected with our movement asking them in the name 
all that appeals to our sense of justice to codperate with us 
| our efforts to unite and bring relief and success to the masses 
labor. I confess no disappointment that this proffer of peace 
ad good will was spurned. In fact, so intense was the malevo- 
nce toward the interests of labor displayed, that a few of those 
ose whole connection with the movement has been that of 
*struction, sought to inaugurate another movement to undermine 


23 


24 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


and destroy the trade unions of the country and the America 
Federation of Labor itself. In a number of instances, loca 
unions attached to nationals affiliated with us, have been ren 
asunder, and brother workmen have been organized into hostil 
camps, to the destruction of their own interests and to the deligh 
of all enemies of labor. 

It has been the purpose of our movement to look with kindnes 
akin to sympathy upon all efforts of others to organize workers 
and with indifference upon those who sought to destroy ou 
movement. It seems to me that the time has come when mel 
who will prostitute the noble purpose of our cause, and in th 
garb of friendship seek to destroy the trade-union movement, o 
pervert it into channels by which its power becomes ineffective 
and its influence for good impotent, should be pilloried as th 
enemies of labor, and held, now and forever, in the contemp 
they so justly deserve. 

It behooves our active men to warn our fellow workers fron 
the dangers which lurk in the sophistries of labor’s emancipatio} 
without the power and influence, the struggles and sacrifices o 
the trade-union movement. The most effective answer that labo 
can make to the pessimist, to the would-be union wreckers, i 
organization, and organization upon a permanent basis. Wit. 
the growth and permanency of the trade-unions, the power fo 
evil toward our movement and all else will diminish in the exac 
ratio. Our movement is based on the justice of labor’s cause. 1 
is economically, socially and morally sound. It is the champio 
and defender of the otherwise weak and defenseless; it lives i 
the hearts and minds of the people. It may meet occasionz 
reverses, but they are simply retreats for more advantageou 
positions for advances, it is enduring for all time——From Annu 
Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Cincinnati, Ohio, Decembe 
1896. 


The change in public sentiment and the public conscience ¢ 
manifested in the newspapers, magazines, schools, colleges an 
universities, which discuss economic and social problems is tt 
best attestation to the intellectual improvement caused by tl 
trade union movement. Trade unionism is neither fantastic nc 
visionary, but real, practical and substantial in securing increa: 
in wages and the purchasing power of wages and improvemel 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 25 


urchasing power of wages, we have decreasing mortality and 
creasing consumption of all articles produced, heightening the 
tature of the people and compelling their more general educa- 
ion. The unions develop manhood and establish fraternity, so 
hat organized workers voluntarily assist themselves and con- 
ribute to help their fellow-workers of other trades to balk 
yranny and attain their rights—From Lecture at Cornell Uni- 
versity, January, Igor. 


the condition of the workers. With increasing incomes and 
) 


In connection with every strike of any moment, though not, 
ve have observed, in connection with lockouts or blacklisting, a 
fertain portion of the press takes up the cry of “public rights.” 
at, it is asked, becomes of the rights and interests of the 
‘third party” to a labor-capital-controversy, the great, helpless 
ublic? The workmen have the right to strike for any reason 
vhatever, good or bad, wise or foolish; and they claim the right 
o boycott those who have offended them. Employers have the 
ight to discharge men at will, and thus precipitate difficulty. 
dave the bystanders, the consumers, no rights that the classes 
amed are bound to respect? 

_ Thus runs the argument, and it is plausible. As a rule, those 
vho make it end by advocating some form of compulsory arbi- 
tion, or state regulation of wages, hours, and conditions of 
abor. . . . A great strike entails inconvenience and hardship; 
ut is the public entitled to insist that a man shall work on terms 
at are unsatisfactory to him, simply because it needs his 
oduct? 

Men work or engage in business to earn a livelihood, not from ~ 
notives of altruism. They may stop when they please, just as 
e farmer may refuse to raise crops without regard to the needs 
if the consumers. . . . The “public” does not provide for the 
vage-workers; it leaves them to pursue their interests as best 
ey may, and all they owe the public, legally speaking, is respect 
or the law. 

But, of course, in addition to legal responsibilities and limita- 
ions, there are moral responsibilities. Not everything that is 
wiful is expedient and reasonable; ‘“‘the extreme of law is the 
xtreme of injustice,” it has well been said. It is certainly ~ 
yertinent to ask whether organized labor has shown itself reck- 


26 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


less of these moral obligations to the public, whether it | 
insisted in any considerable number of cases on the letter of 
law regardless of all considerations of propriety and reason it 
comprehensive sense of these terms. 

We have had many strikes of late, some of them of a seri 
character from the public standpoint. Which side was it wh 
defiantly and scornfully disregarded public opinion and tall 
about “managing its own business in its own way?” Which s 
declared that it was impertinent and impudent and outraget 
for the “third party” to make its influence felt for peace 2 
adjustment? Which side said that the law was all-sufficie 
and that other considerations were mere foolish sentiment < 
harmful weakness? 

In the strike of the anthracite miners, who said: “No c 
cessions, no arbitration?” The presidents of the coal-carry 
railroads. Who offered to accept arbitration of the strictly | 
partial kind? The representatives of the 147,000 miners. 17 
operators and railroads opposed the efforts of the conciliat 
committee of the industrial department of the Civic Federati 
and even the suggestion of President Roosevelt’s intervent 
under a supposed statute, discovered to have been repealed, 1 
resented and characterized as dangerous and vicious. And 
this in spite of the fact that railroads enjoy exclusive and valua 
privileges from the public, and that the coal-carrying roads w 
notoriously parties in an illegal monopoly, as shown by the pl 
statements of the Industrial Commission! 

If moral obligations are operative anywhere they are sur 
operative in cases where the industry affected by a strike i: 
natural monopoly, where franchises have removed the natu 
check of supply and demand. 

In Chicago there was a strike of teamsters employed by 
big packing companies, which are under public accusation 
unlawful monopoly. The strikers demanded recognition of tk 
union, an increase of pay and some other things. The pack 
declined to ‘‘deal with strangers” or to recognize the union 
any way. The people of Chicago were practically all against 
packers, and they had to yield; but they, not the teamsters, 
first rejected arbitration and friendly mediation. .. . 

It is forgotten that the workman, too, has his “business”’ 
manage, and that to say the least his part in production is 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 27 


sential as that of capital. When workmen insist on certain 
arms, they are not seeking to control the employer’s business, 
ut to lay down the conditions of their own participation in that 
usiness. Too many still assume that the employer is to be 
banked and regarded as a benefactor for paying wages at all, 
nd giving his employees work! This miserable fallacy is back 
f every arrogant claim put forward by capital. But for it, 
verybody would see that if the workman has something to arbi- 
ate, so has the employer. 

In fine, a candid examination of the facts will satisfy reasonable 
nen that the interests and rights of the public are seldom dis- 
garded by organized labor, and that the obstinacy, supercilious- 
ess and bigotry of certain types of employers are responsible 
r the number, duration and character of strikes and labor 
ontests. Assuredly, no sane man will ask workmen to accept 
y terms employers choose to grant them. What more can labor 
o than to agree to accept mediation and arbitration? What 
gore does consideration for the “third party” require? 

Let, then, the champions and spokesmen for the public, address 
eir protests and appeals to the backward and short-sighted 
ployers whose name, alas! is still legion. Organized labor 
eds no conversion. It is ready to do the right thing at the 
ght time.—American Federationist, July, 1902. 


_ Consider for a moment who are “the people?” Nothing mythi- 
al, I suppose. ‘They are human beings, men and women and 
hildren; and of what do they consist, so far as their activities 
life are concerned? You say: “Well, this gentleman is a 
janker.” Tis true; but, in fact, is he not an employer? Be 
e an attorney, is he usually not an employer? A man of leisure, 
5 he not usually an employer? As a matter of fact, take the 
hole gamut. of human society, and we find that whatever divi- 
ions exist in the economic relations, to each other they constitute 
ployed and employers. It is, therefore, absurd to even imagine 
at there is in fact a “people” or a “public” outside the pale 
f those I have enumerated; regardless of which business you 
ay take, aye, even in the professions——American Federation- 
st, February, 1908. 


| After all, is the public disinterested? Do we not rather find 
composed of different groups, some whose interests are similar 


28 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


to those of the employers involved, and who hence naturall 
sympathize with them and their position? There are many whos 
financial welfare is identical with that of the employer, who ar 
dependent upon his prosperity. There are many whose industriz 
experience as workmen would inevitably predispose them t 
approve the actions and demands of the employees upon an 
question. There are many selfish and indifferent to the morz 
and ethical values of any issue that conflicts with their ow 
comfort. There are some few with broader sympathies an 
keener and deeper understanding of human nature, who try t 
maintain the dispassionate attitude of justice toward both, bu 
upon some critical and vital issue can they completely. overcom 
the formative, determining influences of environment, instructior 
and the indefinable psychic influences of their own kind? It : 
a serious and dangerous matter to entrust the determination ¢ 
issues which concern the life, the happiness, the welfare, an 
freedom of the workers into the hands of other men who do nc 
and can not know the toilers’ world in which they live, movs 
and have their being —American Federationist, January, 1913. 


To public opinion is often attributed a sort of sanetity, 
divine origin, an attribute that formerly was attributed to cor 
science. We have learned that the individual’s conscience de 
pends upon his environment, his inherited qualities, his educz 
tion, and is not something absolute, divine, or different in natur 
from other faculties. So we also know that vox populi is nc 
necessarily vox dei, but may be made to approach it as freedor 
of expression, openness of mind, and truths are allowed to pre 
vail. Public opinion is not a unity but there are various opinion 
held by different groups making up the public. That grou 
which presents its convictions most persuasively or most insi: 
tently, controls the prevailing policy. Conceptions of truths var 
with the opportunities and the understanding of the individuz 
or the group. As a group that is a part of the public become 
more influential, able to express more forcibly and clearly it 
ideals and concepts of justice and truths—things the group ha 
evolved from its labor and daily life with other men—that grou 
may alter the trend and scope of public opinion until it reflect 
more completely the life and welfare of all mankind. Frequentl 
public opinion is only a prevailing sentiment, determined b 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 29 


onvenience or ignorance. Sometimes it is only a “snap” judg- 
1ent based on incorrect data. . . . Until all elements exert 
roportional influence in determining public opinion, until all 
adividuals that make up the public become genuinely and un- 
elfishly desirous of continuously striving for justice to all man- 
ind, public opinion will not become an infallible dispenser of 
ustice.—A merican Federationist, February, 1913. : 


The unorganized public opinion, after all, may be evanescent, 
nd it may change in 24 hours; or, if it does not, and the 
rorkers are defeated in any projected movement by reason of 
1is expression of unorganized public opinion, they may at some 
me in the future make a new movement in order to secure their 
emands and aspirations. On the other hand, with the organized 
cpression of public opinion, as I understand it, through a law 
f a governmental agency, if such a governmental agency shall 
uthoritatively determine that the demands of the working people 
re unjustified, it puts the seal of disapproval upon the whole 
jovement, and makes it practically impossible for a decade or 
lore for the men and women of labor to give expression to their 
iscontent in some form that shall make for the achievement of 
heir demand and their ideal in that particular movement— 
rom hearing before Senate Committee on Interstate Com- 
erce, on “Government Investigation of Railway Disputes,” 
muary II, 1917. 


“FRIENDS OF LABOR,” PHILANTHROPIC AND 
DOCTRINAIRE 


We have often a very grave complaint to make against many 
| our charitably inclined. The first thought of those known to 
long to some charitable organization is, so far as it affects the 
ge-earners, to get them to work, to get them a job. Of course, 
realize that not only is it desirable for men to work, but we 
ognize that it is an absolute necessity and a duty for a man 
work. But when, for example, there are a number of men 
o may have engaged in a dispute with their employer relative 
a matter of wage, relative to the condition of employment, we 
fotest against you or any one finding a job for another work- 
in that establishment, .. . 


30 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


I do not want you for a moment to imagine that I unc 
estimate the earnestness and the zeal that the charity work 
manifest in their efforts to allay and alleviate the misery wk 
comes from our present economic state of affairs. But, a: 
all, I think you will agree that it is no remedy for the social 
economic ills from which the people suffer. And for all that, 
was suggested, what are you going to do with the undeserv 
poor? What do you do with them? (and they are always v 
you). No charity worker, I think, will dispute the fact t 
after all it is simply a patch upon the awful sore of the b 
economic of our time. .. . 

Why not help us as an auxiliary to your charity? Why 
have a Union Label League? Why not have a Consumers’ Un 
Label League, and endeavor, not only by your own precept : 
example, but through your friends, to encourage better wa; 
better conditions and surroundings for the workers? You wo 
find the union label on your printing, and you would know t 
union men and women had been employed, and at least tha 
comparatively fair wage had been paid, rendering them less lia 
to your charity. There are a thousand and one things in wt 
you can be helpful.—F rom address before the Monday Ever 
Club, Boston, and Representatives of Organized Charities 
New England, March 20, 1899. 


We have on previous occasions called attention to the | 
that the trade unions and the federal labor unions under 
banner of the American Federation of Labor, are compo 
exclusively of wage-workers, men who work for wages; and 
exclusion of others does not necessarily reflect upon them. 
professions of sympathy on the part of some who are not w 
workers, are at all sincere, they can render the movement m 
more assistance, and be of far greater service to our cause, 
aiding and encouraging the organizations and the work on 
outside than by attempting to become members, and in ' 
circles of the meeting endeavoring to control the counsels, d 
sions and actions of the unions. We court the sympathetic aic 
all, but we resent the attempt on the part of any one not a w 
worker to try to formulate the policy of the trade ur 
movement. 

“The emancipation of the workingmen must be achieved 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 31 


e workingmen themselves” is an adage long ago recognized by 
e trade union movement; and if there are friends of our cause 
10 are ineligible to membership in the trade unions and federal 
bor unions they will best demonstrate their sympathy by re- 
raining their zeal to become members, and seeking by their 
pposed “superior” intelligence to fasten themselves upon the 
ige-workers’ movement. 

It may be true that some organizations at some time may fall 
to error; but it is better that we may err and learn by experience 
avoid errors in the future than to have men whose interests 
2 not identical with those of the wage-workers direct the affairs 
any of our labor organizations or of our general movement. 
1e lesson thus far learned is that those other than wage-workers 
ho seek membership in any of our organizations are either eaten 
| with their own vanity, or are self-seekers; and in either case 
is destructive of the best interests of the workers. That from 
2 counsel of many comes wisdom has long been recognized; 
d this wisdom is much more far-reaching in its influence for 
od than the supposed “superior” intelligence of either the pro- 
isoriat, the business men, the theorists, the self-seekers, or the 
pP followers.—American Federationist, April, 1900. 


increasing number of the ministry are paying attention to 
or. They speak about Labor Day, recognizing the movement 
the interest of labor. This is exceedingly gratifying. There 
Ss a time—and not so long ago, either—when the ministry 
onged to the host that prayed for us one minute on Sunday 
d preyed on us all the rest of the week. It shows that they 
» becoming anxious about us. They are becoming acquainted 
us, and no longer study to learn concerning us from our 
ployers or superintendents. 

noticed that one of the preachers of yesterday asked and 
aded that Sunday be a day of rest and quiet, a day for 
ship. He implored organized labor to assist in bringing about 
state of affairs. I would say to this minister that organized 
or is against Sunday labor, and always has been. He had 
‘ter turn toward those in his own pews, those who spend Sun- 
on their marrow bones, and blame them for Sunday labor. 
the laboring man should refuse to work, this man would dis- 
trge him. It has been said that the labor unions are 


32 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


antagonistic to the church, that they hold their meetings 
Sunday at hours which conflict with divine service. Tell 
then, when could they hold their meetings? What’s that I he 
Monday mornings? What would your employer say to tk 
Consider the street car men. When can they hold meetin 
The company looks after that detail very well in their case. 

One minister has asked organized labor to close the salo 
Organized labor has always looked on the saloon as an evil. 1] 
always the overrich who get drunk and also the very poor. 
first demands intoxication for excitement; the second, on 
cents’ worth of whiskey, forgets his hunger, forgets his |] 
hours, forgets distress. I say that comfortable people do not 
drunk. The man who has moderate hours of labor does 
indulge to excess in liquor. The charge that labor unions ant 
onize the church is unfounded. The fact is, that instead 
antagonizing the church, our modern church has antagonized 
working-men. Let the minister try and come among us and le 
who we are.—American Federationist, October, 1900. 


In connection with this question of labels should be mentio 
the fact that in some cities some well-meaning, philanthr< 
ladies have organized consumers’ leagues. ‘These leagues v 
originally intended to be helpful to secure amelioration in 
condition of some of the working people. Lately some of tl 
leagues have issued a label to employers simply because 
sanitary conditions in which the employees work were impro’ 
and these labels issued without regard to any consideratior 
to wages, hours, and other conditions of employment, anc 
some instances in rivalry to the union label of the organiza’ 
of the craft. I do not believe that these consumers’ leagues 
intended to work counter to the labor movement, and as a re 
of a conference recently had with a representative of a : 
sumers’ league, when the matter was explained, the assur 
was given that the issuance of the league’s label would be 
continued. Our union labels stand for improved sanitatior 
one of the conditions necessary to entitle an employer to t 
use. Further efforts in this direction will, I hope, eliminate 
unintentional injury—*From Annual Report to A. F. of L. ¢ 
vention, Boston, Mass., November, 1903. 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 33 


[f all the welfare workers, the social uplifters, the social legis- 
ive enthusiasts would apply the efforts and money they are 
w diverting to other causes to the work of promoting organiza- 
n, they would greatly shorten the time necessary to put all 
rkers in a position where they could solve their own problems, 
ht their own battles, and promote their own welfare as free, 
ual men and women.—From pamphlet “The Workers and The 
sht-Hour Work-day,” rors. 


While we appreciate the difficulties in the administration of 
arity organizations, we have more than once had our gorge 
2 at the lack of discrimination by contributors to the Survey 
ween the working classes and the pauperized classes, and at 
> assumption that the rich as a class were the givers and the 
rkers as a Class the receivers of charitable benefits. The fact 
‘the workers perform infinitely more service for the unfortu- 
‘e than is done by the rich. For one thing, it is undoubtedly 
ation bearing on the workers that pays the larger part for the 
intenance of public institutions. And it is the workers who 
y by day, without fail, both in their organizations and as 
ividuals, help their weaker brothers and sisters in the struggle. 
American Federationist, August, 1910. 


Many a plain, unschooled toiler in the ranks has an under- 
nding of industrial conditions and forces that makes him an 
hhority in that field. Though their terms may not be as nicely 
criminating as those of the more conventional ‘economist,’ 
|) they know the realities of economics, what is practicable, 
what is merely theoretical and speculative. Culture does not 
sist wholly of book learning but is an attitude of mind, alert 
aware of tendencies, able and willing to discern the real from 
false, the enduring from the ephemeral. Nor would we dis- 
it the work of the colleges, universities or social workers, 
-undervalue the constructive work done by these agencies in 
ing to establish a more sympathetic, democratic understand- 
‘of social and industrial problems among all the people. It is 
ause we deprecate any action or policy that detracts from the 
ne of that work, that we deplore the assumption of censorship 
arrogance on the part of any. . . . The workers are not 
S to be examined under the lenses of a microscope by the 


34 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


“intellectuals” on a sociological slumming tour. The men 
women of labor are not only willing to be examined, but 
examine themselves and in turn reverse the lens and exa 
the examiners at the other end.—American Federationist, F. 


ary, 1913. 


For several years the workers in the American labor move 
have manifested their competency to deal with the gravest s 
tions and problems, and while willing to give heed and ca 
consideration to any suggestion or proposition coming from 
other agency, desirous of being helpful to the labor move 
and to the labor cause, it will not yield any field of act 
directly affecting the workers to any agency other than the y 
ers themselves. We commend to the consideration of the 
constituted guardians of labor the fact that the American |] 
movement has had to contend with organized antagonism ¢ 
mean caliber; with enemies avowed and pseudo; with hype 
ical pretenders; with subsidized institutions and associations, 
that the labor movement has never run away from the batt 
the contest, and is now in a stronger, more powerful and i 
ential position for service than at any time in its history—A 
ican Federationist, April, 1916. 


The American labor movement has insisted upon the inh 
dignity and ability of wage-earners, and has declared that 
are intelligently competent to deal with their own affairs 
democratic fashion and to determine and formulate their 
policies. 

This long-established practice of American labor has 
voked criticism and hostility on the part of that group who 
sympathy but whose understanding of labor problems is 
demic. This group in other countries is called the “Int 
tuals” and whenever given opportunity sought and seeks to, 
inate the labor movement. 

The American labor movement has always been willir 
accept the sympathetic codperation of this group but has rej 
all attempts at leadership or domination. 

American workers insist that it is an essential applicati 
democratic principles that they work out their own proble1 
their own way.—American Federationist, April, 1918. 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 35 


There is a group of faddists in this country who advocate ultra 
as and who are intolerant of and hostile to the bona fide prac- 
al and constructive labor movement. It is part of their stock 
trade to be “different,” thereby creating a scope of activity 
themselves. Their livelihood depends upon subsidies; they 
- professional friends of labor. 
The labor movement does not discount the service to civiliza- 
n rendered by intellectual ability, but it is equally convinced 
t there is a vast supply of important fundamental knowledge 
t can be secured only through the slow accumulation of deduc- 
ns from experience. In understanding and solving labor prob- 
1s, information gained in the college lecture room or in doc- 
laire discussions is not a substitute for the knowledge gained 
ough solving labor problems in the shop, in the mill, or in the 
1e. Intellectuals usually suspend their labor programs from 
* hooks. Their practical efforts are confined to criticizing the 
ievements and the methods of workingmen. They can find 
hing good in the practical structure of labor organization which 
‘kers have built upon solid foundations resting upon the ground 
are the labor problems exist and extending upward as far as 
foundation structure will sustain. 
Many of the “intellectuals” have joined in a campaign of carp- 
criticism, either direct or indirect, and insidious attack upon 
A. F. of L. Instead of carrying out a wholly destructive pol- 
in an endeavor to weaken the influence of the A. F. of L., and 
er the morale of the only organization that can render effective 
‘ice to the government in this critical period, the true intel- 
uals have another and a legitimate field. They can act as 
isers and the formulators of constructive plans and policies to 
submitted to democratic consideration and decision by the 
xers themselves in the American labcr movement. 
et them return to their rightful work and acquiesce in the 
of the labor movement to determine its own aims and pol- 
and to organize and determine its own agencies and methods. 
dly constructive criticism is always welcome from any 
, but the attempt to bulldoze or dominate the labor move- 
by others than the workers themselves will be resisted and 
ted to the uttermost—American Federationist, May, 


36 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


The New Republic has constituted itself the self-appoi 
director of the American labor movement. It has sought to 
ulate a seeming friendship by articles helpful in their inte 
tation of the purposes to be achieved by collective action. T 
articles were the leverage by which the New Republic hope 
establish a relation to the trade union movement that w 
enable it to dictate policies. By criticizing existing policies 
leadership in the labor movement the New Republic has 
sistently endeavored to create misunderstandings and div 
between the British labor movement and that of the U1 
States, and to divide American workers upon domestic and 
eign labor policies. The New Republic always speaks upon | 
matters as one having superior revelation and therefore spea 
with authority to those who perforce must accept masked ac 
and admonitions. The New Republic fails to project itself 
the facts and experiences of workers’ lives, but from a safe n 
physical distance hands down policies and plans which the w 
ers must adopt or incur the displeasure of this new overlor 
American Federationist, August, 1918. 


THE NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION 


I think I can without vanity claim to be one of the eat 
members of The National Civic Federation, long before it 
known as The National Civic Federation. I had faith in i 
had faith in the idea; I believed that it was capable of acc 
plishing a very great deal of good. . . . I would not have 
believe that we can solve all the problems of our economic 
by the Civic Federation. No man surrenders one jot of 
opinions or his rights in becoming attached to the Civic Fec 
tion. I believe that the greatest strength of the concerted m 
ment lies in the fact that we strongly hold to the principles 
convictions that we held before we became associated with 
Civic Federation, and that our best common interests are | 
served by meeting in the conciliation board and our endea 
to bring about a common understanding upon contested po 
—From address at meeting of The National Civic Federai 
New York City, December 12, 1906. 


The men of labor realize that while in this forum are men 
strongly differ on matters of interest, of policy, of philosophy 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 37 


rinciple, and who may all strongly contend for the faith that 
s in them, no man surrenders his point of view by his asso- 
lation in The National Civic Federation. I imagine that many 
f you ladies and gentlemen who are here this evening have 
articipated in other meetings and I believe that you will agree 
ith my statement when I say that the representatives of labor 
ave not been mealy-mouthed in the assertion of the faith which 
ney hold, and we are not going to be so to-night. I am ready 
) acknowledge, and I do gladly acknowledge, that by reason of 
ur coming together much strife has been avoided, and many 
sconciliations established where the relations between employer 
nd employee have been ruptured. ‘There is now, due to the 
rganized effort of the working people and of our Civic Federa- 
on, a better general concept among all the people of this country 
f the duties we owe to one another. For instance, there is a 
tter understanding and a more ready acquiescence in the 
ought that the labor of children must be restricted, and we are 
nited in the common effort to so restrict it. And as to the dis- 
ission of these past few days, and particularly to-day, of the 
uestion of compensation for accidents and their prevention, I 
ik our hypercritical friends where on earth they can find a body 
' men in which large employers of labor, great captains of 
dustry, sit in counsel with the representatives, and true repre- 
ntatives, of labor, to try and devise ways and means by which 
jury and accidents may be prevented and compensation given 
ere accidents are unavoidable-—From address at annual meet- 
g of The National Civic Federation, New York City, January, 
MI. 

Why should C. W. Post and the other radicals of the Manu- 
cturers’ Association rail at organized labor and the Civic Fede- 
tion? The socialists are doing their work in this respect most 
thfully. There is a striking similarity in the tone and phrase- 
logy in the attacks on the trade unionists and the Civic Federa- 
n in Post’s advertisements and in the similar attacks of the 
cialists. ‘There are the same bitterness, the same _ baseless 
rtion, the same unreasonableness of attitude. Post, on indit- 
his most furious articles against the employers and organized 
kers who believe in systematized methods in endeavoring to 


38 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


maintain all possible industrial peace might count with certaii 
on having them inserted without charge if he were to send th 
in some socialist’s name to the Chicago Daily Socialist, the N 
York Call, the International Socialist Review, the Milwaul 
Democratic Herald, and the New York Volkszeitung or the: N 
York Vorwaerts. Post and the socialists are in this instance » 
proverbial “strange bedfellows” that are made by politics, for 
both these parties the animus of their onslaughts is a base fo 
of politics which includes the weakening, if not the destructi 
of the two institutions which stand in the way of their desig 
namely, the trade union movement as governed by its pres 
principles and the Civic Federation. It is really a fortunate th: 
for the trade union men in the Civic Federation that they « 
point on the one hand to the venomous Post and on the other 
the bitter-tongued socialists and direct the attention of 1 
country to the resemblances between them, which are the reve 
of flattering to either. 

John Kirby, Jr., president of the National Association 
Manufacturers, recently denounced the Civic Federation becat 
Samuel Gompers and John Mitchell were “not only participar 
but moving spirits in the movement as well as officers in gc 
standing,” and because of the “doctrines they preach.” Kir 
hoped the day was not far distant when the Civic Federati 
would “clear its literature of the union label.” He quoted 
manufacturer as telegraphing to him: “I am opposed to 
sending delegates to Gompers’ convention”—the annual meeti 
of the Civic Federation—and another as saying: “I agree ab 
lutely with your action in declining to appoint delegates to T 
National Civic Federation of Gomperism,” and another, “Ths 
ought to be some way to enlighten the innocent or assum 
innocent members of the Civic Federation that they are the to 
of organized labor.” C. W. Post had the following, August, 19¢ 
“The Square Deal has persistently called attention to the f: 
that The National Civic Federation has almost uniformly I 
itself to the support of the ‘Labor Trust’ in its attacks on 1 
industry of the country and the general welfare of the peop 
We can recall no instance in which it has failed to obey t 
wishes and behests of Gompers and Mitchell,” etc. . . . 

When a man like President Seth Low of The National Ci 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 39 


‘ederation, who for a quarter of a century has systematically 
iven time to this work, comes forward and lends his influence, 
is honored name, his experience, his judgment, his character, to 
iis purpose, the act to our mind should command the respectful 
ttention of the entire American public, and when the history of 
ae last decade shows that The National Civic Federation has, 
me and again, by bringing together the representatives of the 
mploying class and of the employed class, prevented losses 
mounting to millions that can not be calculated—and when any 
ch conference has been held due to the efforts of the Civic 
ederation, the results have ever been to the advantage of labor 
-it seems to us that this fact should further arrest the attention 
the public and insure commendation of the movement. There 
. a field for the work of such an institution.—American Federa- 
ist, March, rgit. 


The Civic Federation has a department of mediation. It 
adertakes no effort to arbitrate unless voluntarily called to do 
» by both sides. It has brought together employers and work- 
lgmen engaged in tremendously important disputes, who it 
emed could not be brought together for the purpose of meeting 
ad discussing their diverse points of view and diverse interests. 
e result has been that agreements have been reached between 
tge bodies of workers and large employers and that terms and 
mditions of labor have been improved at least to the temporary 
utual satisfaction of both parties to the dispute. .. . 

The National Civic Federationsis a purely voluntary organiza- 
m. There is no such thing as membership in the ordinary sense 
: the term. Men who are willing to give or to secure aid, 
mply attend. The officers are simply for the purpose of admin- 
ration. Those who come to the annual meetings elect the 


The relations existing between the men in this organization 
nd the representatives of the national labor movement have no 
allel in any other country. . . . I am not prepared to say 
to the motives of the men of the Civic Federation; but they 
ve been instrumental in bringing together the representatives 
the employers and the representatives of the workingmen after 
1 other agencies have proved futile in bringing them together. 
e agencies of that organization have succeeded time and time 


40 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


again when no other means were available—From abstract 
testimony before United States Commission on Industrial Rel 
tions, New York City, May 21-23, 1914. 


Though a man of means [Seth Low] it was his aim to bri 
a proper reward to the toilers for their services. He had a de 
regard for their rights as men and as citizens. As a mediat 
and conciliator in disputes between workers and employers | 
brought to his aid his wonderful mentality, the sympathetic pu 
sations of his being and the dominating characteristic of abili 
to find solutions of great problems. In my whole life I ha 
never met any other man who had such mastery of himself a1 
who had so much sympathetic influence to persuade men to tal 
his point of view; and though not infallible and, like all humar 
likely to err in judgment, yet his success lay in the fact that k 
good sense and earnestness and the sympathy of his charact 
guided him aright. I had the pleasure of counting him a frien 
I know by long years of intimate association with him in | 
work that he rendered untold and incalculable service to mankit 
—to the workers particularly. 

In the passing of Seth Low, America has lost one of her greate 
sons.—From statement prepared for meeting of The Nation 
Civic Federation in New York City, January 22, 1917. 


LABOR AND THE FARMER 


When the farmers are organized, I have no hesitation in b 
lieving that they will formulate the propositions and the mea 
by which relief can come to them. I believe that their hours | 
labor should be reduced. May I be permitted to say in conne 
tion with this, that I know that the general notion of the farme 
of the employing farmer, is that you can not finish the work 
the farm unless you start in at sun up and work until sun dow 
and then work around the farm house or around the house ar 
in the kitchen and in the barn.—From testimony before Unit 
States Industrial Commission, April 18, 1899. 


Considerable correspondence has been had with the represent 
tives of the American Society of Equity, the Farmers’ Educ 
tional and Co-operative Union of Texas, and other representati 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 4i 


bodies of farmers. Much has been done to bring the men of the 
farms and the men of the factory and workshop into closer touch, 
better understanding and reciprocal relations to aid each other in 
the advancement of their rights, and to protect each other against 
aggression of opponents. 

The Farmers’ Educational and Co-operative Union of Texas 

adopted resolutions pledging the farmers of the State to give 
their patronage to the products of union labor and particularly 
those bearing the union label. . . . 
_ We can in this convention do nothing of greater promise for 
angible results in the interests of labor in factory, field, work- 
shop or mine than to establish the most fraternal relations and 
ring about mutual reciprocal aid between the organizations of 
abor and the organizations of farmers.—From Annual Report to 
4. F. of L. Convention, Norfolk, Va., November, 1907. 


We have frequently interchanged fraternal delegates between 
he organizations of the farmers of our country and our Federa- 
jon, and there has grown a closer bond of unity and action in 
hese respective movements. On many occasions invitations have 
een extended to me to attend the conventions of the organized 
ers, the last one being from the National Farmers’ Union 
‘Farmers’ Educational and Co-operative Union) to attend its 
nual convention at Fort Worth, Texas, September 1. 

By authority and direction of the Executive Council, this 
nvitation was accepted. I attended the convention, and apart 
m conveying the fraternal greetings of the men of labor in 
e industrial field, I delivered two addresses to the convention, 
d one to a mass meeting of farmers while at Fort Worth. 

It has been gratifying to me to have been well received at 
ny conventions and meetings, but such enthusiasm and sincere 
ppreciation as that accorded to me by the farmers at their na- 
onal convention have never been excelled. In addition to a 
animous, rising, and spontaneous expression of confidence and 
atitude, the convention later manifesting its earnest desire for 
Operative action with the union workers in our Federation, 
jdopted the following report and resolutions: 


“The interests of the farmers and of the industrial workers are not 
ly closely allied, but they have been, and can be, further promoted 
mutual assistance and codperation nationally, as they have in the 
tates; and we, therefore, recommend the following: 


42 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


“Resolved, That a national legislative committee be created for 1 
purpose of ‘furthering such legislation that will protect and prom 
the rights and interests of the farmers and to prevent the enactment 
legislation inimical to our interests. 

“Resolved, That this convention of the Farmers’ Educational 2 
Cooperative Union of America hereby instructs its officers and leg 
lative committee to cooperate with the American Federation of Lal 
along economic legislation and other lines of mutual benefit and ; 
vantage.” 

The Farmers’ Union elected fraternal delegates to this conve 
tion, and I recommend that the appointment of a special co 
mittee from this convention be authorized to confer with thx 
delegates as to how best the interests of the toilers upon the fi 
and farm, the factory, workshop, mill, and mine, may be mutua 
protected and advanced. 

Authority should also be given to the officers of our Fede 
tion to accept in a fraternal spirit the Farmers’ Union declarati 
to codperate along the lines of legislation and in such otl 
practical spheres where we may be enabled to more thorougl 
cultivate the best interests of all—From Annual Report to A. 
of L. Convention, Denver, Col., November, 1908. 


LABOR AND GOOD CITIZENSHIP 


How do the wage-workers as a mass get their opinions on 1 
subjects which most closely affect themselves? What in t 
respect are the sources of their information? Do they read w 
sufficient attention the trade union reports, the testimony 
experts, the evidence of official bureaus, the “dry statistics” whi 
embody facts of the utmost importance relative to the work: 
classes? Or do they merely glance at occasional daily newspaj 
sensational stories or the disconnected meager or misleading su 
maries of serious writings regarding their own general conditio 

These are queries not infrequently put to trade union offici 
by men interested in social problems. In reply, it is to be s: 
that the work of educating the rank and file of union memb 
in such matters has of recent years made much progress. Mi 
of them are to-day qualified judges of testimony respecting sta 
ments of fact bearing on labor questions. The primary sch 
in this education is the union meeting. There the memb 
listen to reports of their own committees that deal with su 

subjects as wages, hours of labor, conditions of employmer 


LABOR AND THE COMMUNITY 43 


nemployment, sickness, industrial accidents, state of the labor 
larket in their respective occupations, and the proceedings of 
ll sorts of societies that on occasions connect up with their own 
nion work. A sufficient number of union members are readers 
f the general run of publications on social questions to be 
nabled to take the floor at a meeting when any particular point 
n such questions is up and give the rest of the members the 
ractical information regarding it necessary to intelligent action. 
-American Federationist, February, 1912. 


The conversion in our country of our poorest class of South 
uropean laborers from serfdom to freedom is a social phenome- 
on in America most encouraging to all of our wage-workers. 
; teaches that there is to be no permanently degraded class of 
borers in this country. The civilization of our masses forbids 
le thought. That civilization is practically expressed by them 
the institution of trade unionism. In every place where the 
amigrant goes to work he finds that it is the trade union which 
itablishes standards of wages and living conditions, which as- 
milates the foreigner in American life, and which sanctions and 
yurishes in the working class thoughts of independence, mutual 
‘otection, and a democratic citizenship making for the common 
olift—A merican Federationist, April, 1912. 


Workmen, many of whom have been denied the opportunity 
“even a common school education, by the discussion of problems 
ich are continually arising in their unions, become frequently 
ady and logical debaters, and are valuable assets in the cause 
ich we are all endeavoring to do our level best to strengthen 
id make still more effective—American Federationist, May, 
12. 


What institution is there in all our country that makes an 
ort to educate the great number of immigrants that have come 
our country? Who makes the effort to reach them? Except 
great corporations; I do not mean them. They have reached 
them on the other side; they brought them here. We are 
ud, and justly proud, of our free schools; but with the millions 
millions of immigrants that have been brought to our shore 
in this past ten or twenty years, no effort is made to reach 


44 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


them. Why, my friends, it is the organizations of labor that se 
out their missionaries to these poor fellows and that try to bri 
them within the fold of organization and thus within reach 
education From address at Chicago, Ill., May 1, 1908. 


It is the duty of the Jewish workers of America to beco! 
citizens of this land, to adopt its customs and ways and w 
whatever effectiveness is within their power to help in the devel 
ment and progress of higher ideals and institutions for this la 
which has helped them so much in the struggle for better thin 
Let the members of the United Hebrew Trades adopt this as th 
fatherland and give it the same fervent devoted loyalty that th 
have ever given to all that they have held dear. Let them tu 
their backs upon the old Zion and the old conceptions and tt 
their faces toward liberty and freedom, industrial and politic 
and in their united might fight for the realization of this n 
purpose, a new Zion that shall mean for them and all Jew 
workers better lives in this world and better lives for their ck 
dren and their children’s children. 

Put into the daily task and into the relations of fellow work 
the same glorifying spirit of poetry and exaltation that has giv 
Jewish music and literature its rare inspiration and power, a 
by so doing make the United Hebrew Trades organization 
power that shall sweep all injustice from the lives of all Hebr 
workers, however humble, native born or strangers in our ga 
way city. Hebrews have been ever mighty men and women 
the world’s history, may you be like the great of the race.—Fr 
address at meeting of United Hebrew Trades, New York Ci 
May 10, 1915. 


_ The whole purpose of education is to develop the best m 

and women to be the most high-minded, resourceful and effecti 
citizens of our republic. Upon the citizens will depend the desti 
of the nation and its contribution to institutions of liberty a 
progress. Citizens under a democratic government must be al 
and competent to express and maintain their ideals—Americ 
Federationist, March, 1916. 


_—_— 


III 
LABOR AND THE LAW 


GOVERNMENT AND LEGISLATION 


e have seen laws passed ostensibly in the interests of the 
ple, and particularly in the interests of labor, construed by 
}courts to apply with particular severity upon labor. The 
prstate Commerce Law, enacted with the avowed purpose of 
secting the people from discrimination at the hands of trans- 
ation companies, has been utilized for no other purpose than 
prison union men employed in transportation service. The 
alled Sherman Anti-trust Law, ostensibly enacted to protect 
people from unlawful combinations of capital, has simply 
ted in the arrest and indictment of union workmen, because 
eir effort to protect their common interests, their action has 
1 construed to be in restraint of trade. These two laws have 
1 cunningly devised by our antagonists (foolishly acquiesced 
y men believing themselves reformers), and have proven 
le the incubators of our modern injunction, trial without jury, 
|imprisonment.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Conven- 
, Detroit, Mich., December 11, 1899. 

ome say that the state is an agency through which the people 
lin results—that it exists for their service. But the state is 
ome impersonal thing. It has no existence outside the people 
compose it. Its policies and movements can be directed 
by those who are organized and therefore able to exercise 
r and exert influence. The working people who are unor- 
zed have no part in determining the affairs of state—they 
benefit or suffer from policies but they have no voice in 


the workers surrender control over working relations to leg- 
ive and administrative agents, they put their industrial liberty 


45 


46 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


at the disposal of state agents. They strip themselves bat 
means of defense—they can no longer defend themselves by 
strike. To insure liberty and personal welfare, personal relat 
must be controlled only by those concerned. 

But after all, even if it is the quicker way, is the quick 
always the best way? Suppose you have a boy for whom 
are fondly ambitious. You wish him to be a business or a 
fessional success—do you start him in either at the age of 
or do you wait upon the process of education? When he fir 
embarks in business or a profession, do you dictate and regt 
each feature, or do you advise and leave the boy to solve his 
problem and make his own decisions? 

So with the eight hour or shorter work-day in private emp 
ment. It is as stated in the beginning, the fundamental objec 
for workers who are seeking better things. But when forced 1 
them by law, or given them without their appreciating its vz 
they frequently look upon it as injustice or hardship. They |] 
not been able to make agreements for the adjustment of wa 
hence they apprehend that decreasing the hours of work m 
to them decreased pay—From pamphlet “The Workers and 
Eight Hour Work-day,” 1915. 


For years the toilers have asked legislation of Congress 
the state legislatures, which these law-making bodies can gr 
and which can be obtained in no other way. The workers | 
not sought to secure by legislation, or at the hands of gov 
ment, what they could accomplish by their own initiative 
activities. 

We have presented legislative measures justified by the 
velopment of industrial needs and the conditions of our peo 
founded upon the essentials of justice and equality before 
law, which have for their object the restoration and perpetua' 
of individual liberty and human freedom. 

We have asked Congress for the following legislation: 

Amendment of the eight-hour law, so as to extend its provisi 
to all government employees and to the employees of contrac 
and sub-contractors doing work for or on behalf of 
government. 

A law to regulate the labor of convicts, that the states n 


LABOR AND THE LAW 47 


tect their free citizens from the unfair competition of the 
jucts of convict labor. 

reneral employers’ liability law. 

. law to protect American workmen from the wholesale and 
tricted immigration of foreign workmen who are brought 
lur country to lower the American standard of life. 

. law that shall safeguard not only American workers but 
2rican civilization from all Asiatic immigration. 

law creating a Department of Labor independent of any 
x department of the government, with a secretary at its head 
» shall have a seat in the President’s Cabinet, on an equality 
1 the secretaries cf all other departments, and who, in the 
sident’s councils, may have the opportunity to advise a 
ful course and to say the right word at the right time for 
en and women of labor of our country, the men and women 
are performing so great a service to society. 

law that shall accord to the seamen employed on privately 
ed vessels the rights conceded to all other workmen, when 
vessels are in safe harbor. 

aws promotive of the protection and advancement of the 
rial interests of the workers, in such instances only where 
bject sought could not be secured through the initiative and 
ctivities of the workers themselves. 

ch and all of these laws have been denied at the hands of 
ress. 

t in the recent past, questions of more transcendent im- 
ance have arisen. The decision of the Supreme Court of the 
‘ed States in the Danbury Hatters’ case has, as already 
tted to you, placed our voluntary organizations of labor in 
icategory of monopolies, trusts, and combinations in illegal 
aint of trade. As that law now stands, it outlaws and makes 
ly liable in three-fold damages and in prosecution by the 
al government by fine and imprisonment, the members of 
organizations who collectively exercise their normal, natural 
ions and activities of organized existence in furtherance of 
natural and personal rights. . . . 

consequence of the executive orders forbidding employees of 
ost-Office Department to seek redress of grievances through 
t appeal to Congress, a large number of the railway postal 
organized and affiliated with the American Federation of 


48 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Labor. This effort was made in order to enlist the assistant 
the American Federation of Labor in an effort to secure rem 
legislation. A number of these organizations were chartere 
the American Federation of Labor. As soon as this bet 
known, the Post-Office Department undertook to destroy t 
Men employed in the service were victimized and compelle 
seek other employment. Realizing the helplessness of the 
way postal clerks, and desiring to render them all the assist 
possible, the American Federation of Labor secured the intrc 
tion in both Houses of Congress of bills which, if adopted, w 
nullify the obnoxious executive orders to which reference is 
made and restore to all employees of the Government their r 
as American citizens. 

While these bills did not reach consideration by either Hi 
yet by an amendment to the Post-Office Appropriation bill, v 
is now a law, the right of petition, a right guaranteed to all 
zens, was restored. Representatives of organized men in 
classified civil service and in other departments of the Go 
ment, may now seek legislative relief from onerous condition 
these employees. 

The effect of this amendment to the Post-Office Appropri: 
bill will be far-reaching and will preclude the possibility o: 
Post-Office Department assuming that men in the employ o: 
Government who organize for the protection of their inte 
have no right to join the American Federation of Labor. 
assumption of the officials of the Post-Office Department 
they had the right to designate the organization or organiza 
of which the employees of the postal department should be 
members is at variance with the American idea of governr 
The American Federation of Labor is working out its de 
within the law, and will contest the assumption by Govern: 
officials of the right to dictate to the employees of the Go' 
ment to which organizations they shall or shall not belong. 
American people are not yet ready to take the position 
because an individual accepts employment from the Govern 
he thereby forfeits the rights guaranteed to him by the Con: 
tion of the United States. . . . 

That great English statesman, William Ewart Gtadston 
credited with saying that the Constitution of the United S 
is the greatest work ever written by the hand of man. 


LABOR AND THE LAW 49 


nized labor movement accepts this as a truism, but it sug- 
s the thought that the Constitution, good as it is, and wonder- 
7 comprehensive as its provisions are, was not expected nor 
nded by its authors to extend to the people of the United 
es for all time; neither was it ratified by the people of the 
ral States after presentation to them as the last word in the 
ress of human government. Indeed, that this is true is 
enced by the provisions in the Constitution itself by which 
instrument can be changed. 

Te, who are the accredited responsible representatives of the 
of our country, take issue with those who, in the lan- 
ze of the gambler, “stand pat,” and who refuse to see or 
ct any thing good in the minds and hearts of the present 
Tation. . . . We must have restored to the people the 
stricted power of changing their statutory or organic laws 
a they find the occasion and necessity warrant it, regard- 
of whether the “elder statesmen” should term it the “voice 
lamor” or “the voice of the mob.” As intelligent, aspiring 
Tican citizens, we resent such outrageous aspersions as are 
sd at us when we urge humane social legislation, judicial 
iction, and executive restraint. The safety of society impels 
) seek for ourselves the safest and sanest way to preserve our 
tutions—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
ster, N. Y., November, 1912. 


the “twilight zone” of federal and state jurisdiction, it is 
. difficult to have constructive legislation enforced that shall 
‘with the industrial affairs of our working people. My experi- 
has been that appearing before the committees of state leg- 
es to urge reformatory or constructive legislation in the 
t of the workers, we are told that after all this industry 
mmerce is interstate rather than intra-state, and hence juris- 
m of the federal government applies; and then appearing 
e the committees of congress upon the exact same proposi- 
we are told that these are matters that are not conceded by 
tates and hence under the state jurisdiction, and between 
0 it is a case of shuttlecock and battledore——From address 
e The National Civic Federation, New York, December 
908. 


50 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


In establishing the new nation the great statesmen who 1 
the structure of our republic conceived the idea of prov 
three separate, distinct and codrdinate departments of gx 
ment, the legislative, the executive and the judicial. Ea 
these departments was designed to be within itself abso 
independent of the other, exercising supreme and exclusive 
diction in its respective sphere, and yet all were intended 
interdependent. 

No similar experimentation with government had ever 
attempted in other lands. This new plan was born out « 
iron law of necessity. It was ideal in form, although som 
cumbersome in operation when compared with the monar 
form, which it was designed to replace. The cardinal ide 
thought that inspired all, the intent that riveted the attent: 
those pioneers, was to show the whole world that no one 
was or could ever be wise enough or good enough to contr 
destinies and the welfare of other men. That cardinal point 
be clearly understood for a comprehension of the basic prin 
upon which our republic was founded. 

In connection therewith these early pioneers of the new g¢ 
ment saw farther than merely exhausting their energies by 
ing protests which were heard around the world; they cc 
with those protests one of the most constructive features o: 
government. The central thought was that the destinies « 
people of the new nation should be left in the hands of the } 
themselves. For want of better machinery, with which the j 
might express their will, the old English system of expr 
their collective will through representatives, our represen 
form of government, was established. 

For years the fathers wrestled with this great proble 
self-government. The spirit that had called forth the senti 
and principles of the Declaration of Independence struggle 
contested for a popular government in all that that expr 
implies. The opposition, fearing to intrust the people wit 
sway, exerted their greatest efforts to limit the people’s | 
Yet all agreed upon one point, and that was, that the sou 
all power, of all new legislation, of every vital principle o: 
should rest in the hands of the people through their repre 
tives in Congress; aye, and by a two-thirds vote even ov 
veto of the President. In short, the Congress, composed « 


LABOR AND THE LAW 51 


ise of Representatives and the Senate, was charged specifically 
er the basic laws contained in the Constitution to make pro- 
yn for revenues and expenditures, to establish a fiscal system, 
above and beyond all to form a code of law, in respect to 
sh the executive and judicial branches of the Government 
> and are required to yield obedience, these branches on this 
it being not codrdinate, but subordinate. For example, the 
utive was granted no authority to create law; the judicial 
artment was granted no prerogative to make law; the law 
to be made solely and distinctly by the people’s representa- 
s in Congress, and then it was designed that the judicial 
artment should administer the law as it found it, and the 
utive should execute the law as it was clearly written and 
rpreted. 

; present conditions were not so serious, it would appear 
id that at this late day such a restatement of fact and prin- 
2 should be found necessary. But flagrant departures from 
Constitution in the recent past not only justify but compel 
cism and protest. When others who should speak are silent, 
o others are willing to allow the vital principles of self- 
‘mment to be either misapplied or betrayed, it is time that 
men of labor should speak, directing the attention of their 
w-workers and fellow-citizens to the evils that threaten. 

e of the greatest dangers now confronting the people and the 
Ne’s government is the effort to overrule, to disregard, to 
| with contempt that part of the Government nearest the 
fle—the House of Representatives. This is not generally 
stood, but it is a fact nevertheless, and the character and 
composition of the House in the last decade are chiefly to 
fe. For sake of party, of party harmony; for patronage or 
fossible loss; for the sake of a reélection, the members have 
tdly by, closed their eyes, refused to listen to the voice of 
f, until such weakness has culminated in establishing the cus- 
Mby Representatives of “holding their tongues” for fear they 
Ht lose caste with the Speaker whom they periodically and 
Hanically elected as their servant, yet to whom they have 
Hitted as their master. For fear they might be considered, 
H-finders, for fear they might be called “irregular,” for fear 
Heir non-appointment on important committees, for fear they 
it lose the patronage the President has to bestow, they have 


52 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


acted as though paralyzed. Fear! Fear! Fear! Always 
ghostly apparition of fear haunts the life of the average 

gressman, and while this unAmerican attitude prevails the 
leges, the dignity, the unquestioned prerogatives of legisla 
the bedrock basis of constitutional rights, the fundamenta 
quirement of fearless, faithful representation that gave this n 
birth—these precious, valued, and holy elements of liberty 
being gradually alienated from the House of Representative 
the courts and by the Presidents, and all that is now left o 
power of the House is a theoretical recognition by the othe 
partments that the House shall “hold the money bag” and 
vide revenue for the operation and continuation of the Gor 
ment. That the House has not availed itself of even this p 
is current history patent to any observer.—From Annual Ri 
to A. F. of L. Convention, St. Louis, Mo., November, roro. 


The Canadian act recently passed, to regulate and co 
industrial combines, excludes the organizations of the wol 
people from its operations, and in Great Britain, after the 
Vale decision was rendered, Parliament, in 1906, passed a 
exempting labor organizations from the operations of a sit 
law. This same exemption the American organized workers 
asked at the hands of Congress. . . . To say to us that 
suits will not be often brought means nothing. They are a 
stant menace. To say that the Federal Government will 
prosecute under the criminal provisions of the Sherman . 
Trust Law does not allay our apprehensions. The fact i 
decline to exist at the sufferance of any administration, Rep 
can or Democratic, or of any other public body or agence 
From address at National Civic Federation Conference, Jan 
12, IQIt. 


What is any legislation but class legislation or the formul: 
by one group of people of what they deem a policy in 
interests? Few laws are passed by unanimous consent. 
follows, then, that tariff legislation is “class legislation” in 
interests of manufacturers; that free trade is “class legislat 
in the interests of consumers; that our laws protecting “props 
are Class legislation handed down from the middle ages wher 
property holding classes controlled the government, made 


LABOR AND THE LAW 53 


s, and directed their administration. But justice is a relative 
m and our concept of justice has widened so that the working- 
n has, in theory at least, risen from slavery to freedom, and 
nan souls and flesh and blood are more than inanimate things! 
vernment and laws have developed from an institution merely 
virtue of and for the protection of property, into a medium 
attaining social ideals and needs beyond individual realiza- 
n. . . . Labor is not asking that justice be hampered by 
akening the courts, but Labor is demanding that justice shall 
vail by removing the abuses and mispractices of the courts. 
limited, unchecked power vested in autocrat, King, President 
judge has always resulted in justice being perverted and 
anny stalking the land—American Federationist, November, 
2 

2. 

Whither are we drifting? There is a strange spirit abroad in 
se times. The whole people is hugging the delusion that law 
L panacea. Whatever the ill or the wrong or the ideal, imme- 
tely follows the suggestion—enact a law. 

f there is no market for cotton, those interested demand a law. 
f there is a financial crisis, a law is demanded to protect 


f the desire for physical strength and beauty is aroused, laws 
‘eugenic marriages are demanded. 

f men and women speak ill-considered or unwise words, laws 
forbid their speaking in that manner are proposed. 

f morals are bad, a law is demanded. 

f wages are low, a law or a commission is the remedy proposed. 
Vhether as a result of laziness or incompetency there is a 
idily growing disposition to shift responsibility for personal 
mress and welfare to outside agencies. 

Vhat can be the result of this tendency but the softening of 
|moral fiber of the people? When there is unwillingness to 
Ppt responsibility for one’s life and for making the most of 
aere is a loss of strong, red-blooded, rugged independence and 
i) power to grapple with the wrong of the world and to estab- 
i justice through the volition of those concerned. 

jlany of the things for which many are now deludedly 
handing legislative regulation should and must be worked out 


Whose concerned. Initiative, aggressive conviction, enlightened 


54 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


self-interest, are the characteristics that must be dominant ar 
the people if the naticn is to make substantial progress tov 
better living and higher ideals. Legislation can nut secure t 
characteristics but it can facilitate or impede them. Laws 
not create and superimpose the ideals sought, they can only 
people from the shackles and give them a chance to work 
their own salvation. 

Many conscientious and zealous persons think that every 
every mistake, every unwise practice, can be straightway 
rected by law. 

There is among some critics of prevailing conditions a b 
that legislation is a short-cut to securing any desired refor. 
merely enact a law and the thing is done. 

Now enacting a law and securing the realization of the pur 
the law is aimed to secure are two vastly different matters. 
the making of many laws there is apparently no end, for I 
lative and congressional mills yearly grind out thousands, 
for the enforcement of these laws there is little effort u 
enforcement is demanded by public opinion or by intere 
groups of citizens. As a rule the laws affect conditions and pe 
little, and society is glad to escape with so little damage. 

A law that really is a law, is a result of public thought 
conviction and not a power to create thought or conviction. 
enforcement of the law follows naturally because the people 
it. To enact a law with the hope and for the purpose of edt 
ing the people is to proceed by indirection and to waste ene 
It is better to begin work for securing ideals by directing acti 
first for fundamentals. Frequently, when the people conce: 
become mindful and eager for what will promote their own 
fare, they find that they are much more able to secure what 
benefit and adapt their methods to changing circumstances ‘ 
is any law or the administration of that law. 

The virile spirit that has given our young nation a fore1 
place among the nations of the world is the spirit of aggre: 
initiative and independence, the ability of our people to gra 
with hard problems and to solve them for their own benefit 
for the benefit of the nation. We must not as a nation a 
ourselves to drift upon a policy of excessive regulation by 1 
lation—a policy that eats at and will surely undermine the 
foundations of personal freedom. 


LABOR AND THE LAW 55 


[hese principles and facts apply to the working people, the 
anized wage-earners, as fully and completely as to any other 
up or to the people as a whole. Labor seeks legislation from 
hands of government for such purposes only as the individuals 
groups of workers can not effect for themselves, and for the 
sdom and the right to exercise their normal activities in the 
ustrial and social struggle for the protection and promotion 
their rights and interests and for the accomplishment of their 
hest and best ideals. Thus Labor asks legislation providing 
the abolition of child labor; security and safety in life and 
‘k; sanitation in factory, shop, mill and home; workmen’s 
ypensation in preference to employers’ liability; the regulation 
convict labor and the like; the enactment of laws such as the 
posed seamen’s bill and the labor provisions of the Clayton 
already enacted; the regulation of the issuance of injunctions 
| the trials of contempt cases; these latter work for freedom, 
right, for justice. These reforms the workers and groups can 
| secure without law, because they are governmental functions 
| can not be accomplished by private agencies. In a word, 
labor movement undertakes to secure from government, both 
e and nation, the enactment of laws for the accomplishment 
such things as the working people can not secure or enforce 
themselves. 

Ve know no better way of illustrating this thought than by 
iting the report we made to the Denver (1908) Convention, on 
homic power, as follows: 

1 whatever form or shape the men of labor may exercise their 
lgies and activities, in inception and result the effort is for 
common uplift of all, though our political activities must of 
issity be primarily devoted to acquire for our economic move- 
t its freest and fullest natural development. 

ur movement has not asked and will not ask at the hands 
\sovernment anything which the workers can and should do 
themselves. The movement of labor is founded upon the 


ectively, is done best. It is therefore that the exercise by 
‘iworkers of their economic power is after all the greatest and 
limost potent power which they can wield. 

fhe possession of great economic power does not imply its 
se, but rather its right use. Consciousness and possession of 


56 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


economic power bring with them responsibility, wisdom, and c 
in its exercise. These have made the labor movement of < 
country a tower of strength inspiring the confidence and resp 
of the masses of our workers as well as the sympathetic supp 
of students, thinkers and liberty-loving people——Ameri 
Federationist, February, 1915. 


Another difficulty with the legislative method is the diffus 
of effort. There are comparatively few people interested in — 
matter, and yet the whole body politic must be interested, e 
cated and roused to action. 

Contrast this with the simple, direct methods of econo! 
action. Those workers who want the shorter workday kn 
why they want it, and they want it so intensely that they 
ready to fight for it. Forceful independent men and wom 
they assume the responsibility of their own welfare and m:; 
sacrifices to secure their rights. By agreement or by strike, tl 
secure what they need, and because they have won it themsel 
they value it and maintain it. They are organized in such a v 
that they can give expression to their will and secure results 
the most direct way possible—American Federationist, Mai 


IQI5. 


National policies, whether political or military, must be 
accord with broad democratic ideals that recognize all fact 
and value each according to the service that it performs. TI 
is a human side to all of our national problems, whether inc 
trial, commercial, political, or military. It has been the gens 
practice of governments to accord only to employers, the owr 
of capital, of the managerial side of commerce and industry, 1 
participation in government and in deciding upon governmer! 
policies. According to this custom the wage earners belong 
the class of the governed, never to the governing class. 1 
policy is a reflection of conditions existing in the industrial ; 
commercial world. However, a change has been coming. 
wage earners, through their economic associations, have b 
making the demand that those who supply the creative la 
power of industry and commerce are surely as important to 
processes of production as those who supply the materials ne 
sary for production. They have, therefore, made demand t 


LABOR AND THE LAW 57 


e human side of production shall at least be given as much 
msideration and as much importance as the material side. They 
=mand that industry and commerce shall be conducted not only 
the interests of production but with consideration for the 
Ifare and the conservation of the human beings employed in 
-oduction—From address at annual meeting of The National 
ivic Federation in Washington, D. C., January 18, 1916. 


The American labor movement has made a clear differentiation 
tween government workers and private employment, holding 
iat in private employment the strike is the last resort, while in 
vernment employment legislation is the final remedy. Organ- 
tion and affiliation with other organizations that can secure 
ess of grievances is the safety valve for any industrial or 
mmercial undertaking. The same principle holds in govern- 
t utility. . . . To deny the right of workers in our largest 
vernmental agency to organize is to make a mockery of our 
ith in democracy. If autocracy is harmful to the morals of 
r alien enemies abroad, then let us not introduce a species of 
into our largest federal institution by attempting to disfranchise 
ustrially the army of postal workers. 

At a time when governmental activities are being extended into 
fery industry connected with the successful prosecution of the 
r and thousands of workers are either already in the govern- 
mt service or potentially government employees, it is important 
at their right to organize and to petition Congress be not inter- 
red with. We can conceive of nothing more harmful to the 
hcessary extension of government control and regulation at this 
e than the adoption of the Burleson idea by our government 
| its capacity of employer—American Federationist, January, 
78. 


RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES 


Pray let us consider of what do fundamental rights consist? 
I understand it, the right to life; that is, the right to protect 
e’s life; the right to defend one’s life; the right that life and 
tty shall not be placed in jeopardy without due process of 
; the right to liberty; the exercise of man’s natural desires to 
that which brings to him the greatest amount of comfort; to 


58 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the expression of his judgment; to do that which appears to 
to be right and that which shall not unlawfully invade the la 
rights of another; the pursuit of happiness; the right to do ¢ 
thing and everything that is not unlawful to secure the gree 
degree of happiness—From hearing before Committee on 
Judiciary, House of Representatives, January 13-March 22, 1 
on bill to limit meaning of the word “conspiracy.” 


Rights? Yes, there is no hesitancy on the part of our co 
to grant us certain rights—for instance, the right to be mai 
or killed without any responsibility to the employer; the righ 
be discharged for belonging to a union of labor; the right to v 
as long hours and for as low wages as the employer can im} 
upon the working man or woman. These rights—these acadé 
rights, which we do not want—are freely conceded, but thet 
the denial to us of the rights which are essential to our 
fare. j.%;;. 

Ours is not the first republic in the world. There are o 
republics now in existence. ‘There was that great republi 
Rome, which went into decay. There are some who imagine 
the republic of Rome went by the board over night, that it 
simply swept out of existence like a thunderbolt from a clear 
In truth, for many and many years the process of disintegra 
went on; first, in the denial of a certain liberty or right to a cer 
portion of the people, and the granting of privileges and francl 
to another portion of the people—for it is in the nature of th 
that as soon as the denial of rights is proceeded with in the 
instance it is accompanied by the bestowal of extra privileges 1 
another class. So, by filching the liberties of the people, on 
one; tranquilizing one and trying to satisfy others—by this pre 
the very essentials of liberty, character, independence, though 
ness and manfulness were taken out of the hearts of the Ro 
people until a mere shell of the republic existed. The peopl 
Rome no longer had any interest in the maintenance or the 
petuation of what was then called a republic. There was 
incentive for its defense in the hearts and minds of the pec 
and, hence, no wonder that it fell an easy prey to a handft 
invading barbarians. 

So, I ask you, men and women of toil, and you, men 
women in other vocations of life, to look around you and 


LABOR AND THE LAW 59 


lat is transpiring. Is it not enough to cause us to pause and 
< ourselves whither are we drifting? The courts are denying 
the toilers the privileges—no, no; not privileges; the rights 
lich are inherently and naturally theirs. . .. 

The wealth possessors are free wherever they go, and I will 
t begrudge them their freedom. All we insist upon is being 
e ourselves. There is no power or factor so potent to main- 
n the freedom that we now possess, and to obtain absolute 
uality before the law and equality of opportunity as the labor 
yanizations of our time. . . . It is our purpose to see to it 
at this country shall be not alone a haven of civil and religious 
erty, based upon the spirit of 1776, of 1861, the spirit that 
mt to make Cuba free, as well as the movement that cut the 
ackles from 4,000,000 black slaves; the spirit of Patrick 
nry; the spirit of Lincoln. The spirit is not dead, and we 
oppose to help in making this country of ours the home of 
lustrial freedom, the three links of civil liberty, religious 
uality and opportunity, and industrial freedom, and under 
\d’s guidance, moving onward and forward, establishing the 
2am of the poet—the brotherhood of man. —From address at 
ucago, Ill., May 1, 1908. 


Essential to the welfare and independence of the masses is 
» free exercise of certain of their rights and powers in the 
momic field. This truth becomes clear to our minds when we 
sider it as applied to the individual possessing those rights 
powers. Let a man have the right to decide when he is to 
rk or is not to work, and let that decision be backed by his 
iver to keep himself fons being obliged by immediate necessity 
‘offer his labor to an employer, and the consequence must be 
t he will not sell his labor-power until the terms offered him 
the best that the industry can warrant. Similarly, when a 
mber of associated persons may freely decide as to whether 
shall work or not, and uphold that decision, they have in 
ir hands the economic power to secure to themselves from 
products of industry a share restricted only by industrial 
cess. 

m the mere statement of the conditions indicated by my words 
€ are suggested the reasons why Labor is compelled in present 


60 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


circumstances to engage in the political struggle. It is, ir 
word, in order to set itself free. 

Labor is bound by the fetters of unjust laws. It is Labx 
task to break those fetters one by one. The first to be remo 
are necessarily those which are the most painful, binding, < 
destructive of Labor’s rights and powers. 

There must in justice be no law, formulated by judge or 1: 
maker, which can deprive a wage-worker of his own exclus 
ownership of himself, or, in other words, of those rights over 
own labor-power which are guaranteed by the Constitution ; 
the concepts of liberty implied in the fundamental principles 
our Republic. 

There must be no law which can deprive the laborer of 
tight over his power to purchase or to refrain from purchas 
whatever is legitimately on sale in the community. 

There must be an end to the untenable doctrine that a ri 

pertaining to an individual singly becomes a wrong when e3 
cised by him in combination with other individuals legally enj 
ing the same right singly. 
/ These examples illustrate points at which the labor movem 
“ comes into contact with politics, since only by force of |: 
making can present laws be abrogated or the limits of lawmak 
itself be outlined. 

As the defense of rights, manifestly varying in their scope v 
respect to men, women, and children, and in times of peace 
war, is the legitimate domain of government, so the defense 
those rights which peculiarly bear upon the wage-worker 
inevitably the especial concern of the labor movement. I 
impressed with the conviction, however, that with the free e: 
cise of the rights which will leave untrammeled the regular ; 
recognized functions of trade unionism, the workers of | 
country will move forward by leaps and bounds to a gens 
condition of unexampled welfare. With those rights in full p 
they will be possessed of the economic power to enable th: 
selves to push forward to greater successes, to justice, freed 
and a better humanity, the goal of Labor’s aspirations ——/F 
Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, St. Louis, Mo., . 
vember, 19r0. 


LABOR AND THE LAW 61 


THE COURTS AND LABOR INJUNCTIONS 


When an injunction has been issued restraining any person 
mi doing a certain thing, say, building a house, tearing down 
house, invading land,'or anything else, and in the event that 
transpires during the trial of the case in court that the injunc- 
n was wrongly applied for or mistakenly granted, the party 
io secured the injunction may be mulcted in damages, and 
1s remedy the wrong inflicted upon the party enjoined. But, 
en are engaged in a strike either to prevent a reduction in 
ges or to secure an advance, or who have been locked out by 
‘ir employers, whether they were previously united or become 
anized by reason of the controversy, and these men are en- 
ed from doing what every other citizen has the right to do, 
it is, to unite, to counsel, to advise, to communicate, and use 
sry needful and lawful means within their power, and they are 
‘oined from doing those things by the court, that injunction 
ply means that these men are dispersed. No suit, no case at 
7 can remedy the wrong that is inflicted upon the men thus 
oined. Their protest, their uniting to redress a wrong or a 
vance, have been destroyed.—From hearing before Committee 
‘the Judiciary, House of Representatives, March 23, 1900, on 
| to limit meaning of the word “conspiracy.” 


3ut what is the position of the judge? [Buffalo machinists’ 
‘ke.] Here is the language he is reported as having used in 
charge: 

The union had a right, if a man obnoxious to them was employed, to 


adraw, and they had a right to fix wages and hours of work, but 
y had no right to force this man out of his position.” 


)tudy this remarkable utterance with care. Is it possible to 
mcile the admission that “the union had a right to withdraw” 
1 man obnoxious to them was employed with the statement 
t they had “no right to force this man out of his position?” 
did the union force the plaintiff out? By threatening “to 
draw,” that is, to strike, for they can not suppose the court 
be guilty of juggling with the word “withdraw.” When a 
m strikes it withdraws, and, conversely, when it withdraws 
trikes. Now, if the union had a right to strike, it certainly 


62 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


had the right to warn or threaten the employer that a st 
would be ordered if he did not discharge the obnoxious n 
This is all the union did. It threatened a strike, as it ha 
right to do. The employer, confronted with the necessity 
choosing between the defendant and the members of the un 
elected to dismiss the former, as he had a legal and moral r 
to do. The plaintiff thus lost his position, was “forced out” 
the threat of the union to withdraw. It is a well-known say 
in logic that “he who intends the cause intends the consequer 
of it.” The forcing out was the consequence of the legitin 
threat to withdraw. What kind of logic is it which says th: 
union has a right to strike when an obnoxious man is employ} 
but has no right to get rid of the obnoxious man by threater 
to strike? . . . There is no escape from the conclusion that 
court denied the right of the union to order or threaten a st 
as a means of securing the discharge of an obnoxious per: 
nullifying and violating his own admission that a strike for s 
a purpose, or any other, is lawful. If this be disputed, let 
fair-minded man ask himself what other course was open to 
union if it was determined not to work with the obnoxious r 
—what other way it had to exercise its “right to withdraw.” 

Suppose the union had withdrawn without assigning | 
reason, and suppose the employer had requested an explanat 
of the strike. Would not the union have had the right to nz 
the cause—the presence of the obnoxious person? No one 
answer this in the negative. ‘There is no principle of law 
morals forbidding strikers to state the cause of their act: 
Now, suppose the union had stated the reason, and the emple 
had then, in order to get the union men back, discharged 
man. Would not the union have forced him out of his posit 
by the strike? Is there any difference between the case suppo 
and the actual case? 


The Buffalo court, by its ruling, attacked the right to st1 
—a right it acknowledged in terms and trampled upon in 
direction to the jury to assess damages. The ruling is agai 
the spirit of the New York law. It is a direct and plain violat 
of the right to strike—From hearing before Committee on 
Judiciary, House of Representatives, March 26, 1900, on bill 
limit meaning of the word “conspiracy.” 


LABOR AND THE LAW 63 


We are told of the law and the defense of the law and the 
pinions of courts. I asked a moment ago whether these deci- 
ions have always been final and binding for all time, and we 
sk our friend whether he remembers—perhaps it was a little 
efore his time—but whether he remembers a decision rendered 
y the United States Supreme Court famously and popularly 
nown as the Dred Scott decision, the decision which made it 
nlawful for any man in New York to keep a certain other man 
imply because he was black and came from Virginia, or any 
ther southern part of the country where slavery existed. Don’t 
ou know that the court declared that the man who gave shelter 
) an escaped slave in the south was guilty of a great crime, and 
ne man whose memory still lives and will live, and whose spirit 
marching on and on—John Brown—incurred the ill will of 
nose in authority and helped to rescue some of the slaves, for 
thich he gave up his life upon the gibbet, but he lives in the 
earts of his countrymen, and will live so long as the spirit of 
berty and right prevails. The law as defined and decided by 
United States Supreme Court was not final nor binding, and 
ow there is no lawyer in the entire profession who claims some 
spree of knowledge of the law and who expects some clients in 
is profession, who would undertake to justify that decision of 
ie United States Supreme Court. As a matter of fact, no court 
t the whole United States now refers to the Dred Scott decision 
the United States Supreme Court, excepting in censure or 
dicule—From address at Boston Convention of the A. F. of 
, December, 1903. 


‘You, gentlemen, all members of the legal profession, know 
lat when applications for injunctions are made, practically the 
idge sitting in court is not in a position to hear any argument 
yon an application for an injunction or to have the time to read 
e application itself; that, taking the word of the attorney and 
le petitioners, who put up a bond for the purpose of carrying 
it, or indemnifying the defendants, the judge upon ex parte 
atement directs that the temporary injunction be issued, and 
lually made returnable, as I said, a long time after the issuance. 
low, the men are served with these injunctions, and while some 
imes are alleged, the allegations taper off until they reach the 
ost inoffensive person and the most inoffensive acts. 


64 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


The men necessarily are compelled to either violate or ev 
the terms of the injunction; and, when arrested and brought 
fore the court, they are charged, not with committing any crim 
any offense against the laws, but with having violated the inju 
tions. There is no confronting the defendant with any one ° 
alleges any crime, no jury of his peers to hear and determine g 
or innocence of alleged unlawful conduct; but the judge v 
without the full knowledge of the contents and the purport of 
petition for an injunction, issued upon ex parte statements, s) 
the order enjoining certain things, and because these things, h 
ever innocent they may be, have been violated, the man is ne 
sarily guilty of the violation of the terms of the injunction, an 
punished, fined, or imprisoned, as the case may be. I cont 
gentlemen, that in their language the injunctions, all of them, 
more or less, to a larger or lesser degree, impositions upon 
COUELS. 2 ee 

These injunctions are usually made returnable in three, f 
or five weeks after the injunction has been issued. I have 
of the injunctions here, which shows that it was issued some t 
during the early part of summer and made returnable in 
vember, and the one to which I have just called your atten 
is not made returnable at all for any hearing. 

And before the time expires when these writs are return: 
for hearing either one of two things has occurred; either the st 
is lost and the injunctions are made permanent, or the strik 
won or compromised, and usually one of the conditions of s 
agreement and settlement between employer and employee 
that the legal phase of the question shall be dropped. But vy 
occurs? The record shows that that injunction has been is: 
and made returnable for a certain day, and when that day co 
around and it is not vacated, it is made permanent by defz 

On injunctions in West Virginia a number of men jy 
sentenced to six months; others to a lesser period of impri 
ment. And it is not only the imprisonment by reason of 
injunction; it is the consciousness on the part of the emplo 
as well as that on the part of the employees that that pc 
exists, and it is held as a menacing weapon over the head of 
working people. 

We have enough to contend against (in the power that is 
possessed by the employers) to maintain our wages and to m 


LABOR AND THE LAW 65 


in our hours of labor and our conditions of employment. We 
ve enough to contend against in order to come to some under- 
nding and agreement in the bargaining for the sale of our labor 
thout having the Federal Government and its courts to inter- 
se and throw its great influence against us in the balance. 
Between the time of the issuance of the injunction and the 
ne it is made returnable the strike is either lost or won. 

I want to call your attention to the fact that the injunctions 
‘not reach rioters; they do not reach lawbreakers, and it is not 
ended by those that seek them that they shall; nor do they 
tertain the idea that they can reach them. The injunctions 
issued restraining an officer of an organization, and a few 
lers necessarily put in there in order to establish a prima facie 
se of conspiracy, enjoining the officers from issuing orders as 
ected by the men themselves, from giving advice for which the 
icer or officers may have been particularly selected, from giving 
ormation that has been gathered by direction of the men, from 
pmulgating the result of a vote in which the men participated. 
And let me say, gentlemen, that the officers of an organization 
labor who have served any considerable period of time as 
cers, having the responsibility that comes from defeat, seek by 
ary means within their power to avert and avoid contest and 
aflict. It is not true, the charge that is so often made against 
» labor leader, so called, of inciting strikes and contests and 
flicts, in order, as our opponents put it, to earn our salaries. 
he men who are most successful in the movements of labor, 
aving the confidence and good will and respect of their fellow- 
rkmen, are the men who have done most to avert and avoid 
kes. And I call your attention to the very well-known men 
the labor movements of our country for an attestation of that 
t and the proof of it. I do not pretend to say that here and 
re you will not find some cracked-brained, irresponsible, and, 
thaps, some faithless men; but I ask you to point to any other 
tation or profession of life in which you will not find the same 
acter and the same quality of men.—From testimony before 
mittee on Labor, House of Representatives, February 11, 
4, on bill for eight hours on government work. 


t may not be amiss here to say that in all these proceedings 
. ho element of personal malice or ill-will enters. Labor is 


66 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


earnestly desirous of entering into friendly relations with er 
Bloyers.) j<.’.))s 

In making these statements we are not indulging in unjust 
fiable or disrespectful criticism of the judge who issued tk 
injunction. We assume that he acted in accordance with ft 
dictates of his conscience and his best judgment. 

One point we have been making for years in regard to oth 
injunctions is equally applicable to this case. We contend th 
the power to issue injunctions involving personal rights and li 
erties should not be left to the discretion of any judge no matt 
how wise, how discreet, or how learned. 

President Roosevelt in his recent message to Congress ma‘ 
the following comment on the abuse of the injunction powe 

“Instances of abuses in the granting of injunctions in labor disput 
continue to occur, and the resentment in the minds of those who fe 
that their rights are being invaded and their liberty of action and 
speech unwarrantably restrained continues likewise to grow. Mu 
of the attack on the use of the process of injunction is wholly witho 
warrant; but I am constrained to express the belief that for some 
it there is warrant. This question is becoming more and more one | 
prime importance, and unless the courts will themselves deal with 
in effective manner, it is certain ultimately to demand some form 
legislative action. It would be most unfortunate for our social w 
fare, if we should permit many honest and law-abiding citizens to fe 
that they had just cause for regarding our courts with hostility. 
earnestly commend to the attention of the Congress this matter, — 
that some way may be devised which will limit the abuse of injun 
tions and protect those rights which from time to time it unwarrar 
ably invades. Moreover, discontent is often expressed with the use. 
the process of injunction by the courts, not only in labor disputes, b 
where state laws are concerned.” 


American Federationist, February, 1908. 


In any species of legislation that is intended to be helpful, | 

a constructive character, to bring amelioration into conditio! 
of the workers, compromise is possible. You can not get a whe 
loaf, and therefore wisdom dictates that something shall be a 
cepted. Time will give the opportunity to build upon it ar 
construct the species of legislation that shall be generally hel 
ful. In legislation by injunction no such compromise can tal 
place. If labor concedes that the court has the right to iss 
injunctions that are never issued of the same character again 
any other citizen or man in the community, then, we must fe 
{ 


LABOR AND THE LAW 67 


rer hold our peace for we have given away our case—From 
caring before Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce, on 
zovernment Investigation of Railway Disputes,” February 
4, 1908. 


We regard the members of the supreme bench as upright and 
corruptible. We believe that in any decision handed down each 
dge honestly and conscientiously gives the opinion which he 
‘lieves to be correct. We do not agree with those who charge 
e court with being influenced by sinister motives, or under the 
mination of corporate influence. . . . 

We are proud of the institutions of our country and try to 
jhold them with all our power, but we do protest against the 
sumption of law-making power by the courts. In assuming 
ch functions they invade the sphere of the legislative and 
ecutive, which must necessarily result injuriously to the very 
bric of our republic. Such action by the courts not being con- 
aplated by the constitution there are no safeguards, no checks, 
to what may be attempted. This assumption of power, even 
ider the guise of construing existing law, is none the less dan- 
rous, for the decision of the court then becomes a law without 
2 people ever having had an opportunity to take any part in 


2 making or rejecting of it—American Federationist, March, 


T want to read for information from the British Trades Dispute 
. It will not occupy more than two or three minutes. The 
; was passed by Parliament in December, 1906: 


It shall be lawful for any person or persons acting either on their 
behalf or on behalf of a trade union or other association of indi- 
als, registered or unregistered, in contemplation of or during the 
itinuance of any trade dispute, to attend for any of the following 
(poses at or near a house or place where a person resides or works, 
carries on his business, or happens to be (1) for the purpose of 
Icefully obtaining or communicating information; (2) for the pur- 
E.. peacefully persuading any person to work or abstain from 

ng. 

An agreement or combination by two or more persons to do or 
Fcure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance of a trade 
bute shall not be ground for an action, if such act when committed 
one person would not be ground for an action. 

m §6=An action shall not be brought against a trade union or other 
Eociation aforesaid for the recovery of damage sustained by any per- 


68 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


son or persons by reason of the action of a member or member 
such trade union or other association aforesaid. 


From testimony at hearing before the House Judiciary C 
mittee, April 4, 1908. 


Your honor, I am not conscious at any time during my lif 
having violated any law of the country or of the District in wl 
I live. I would not consciously violate a law now or at any 1 
during my whole life. It is not possible that under the circ 
stances in which I am before your honor this morning, and a 
listening to the opinion you have rendered, to either calmly 
appropriately express that which I have in mind to say; © 
sir, I may be permitted to say this, that the freedom of spt 
and the freedom of the press has not been granted to the pe 
in order that they may say the things which please, and wl 
are based upon accepted thought, but the right to say the th 
which displease, the right to say the things which may cor 
the new and yet unexpected thoughts, the right to say thi 
even though they do a wrong, for one can not be guilty of gi 
utterance to any expression which may do a wrong if he is by 
injunction enjoined from so saying. It then will devolve upc 
judge upon the bench to determine in advance a man’s righ 
express his opinion in speech and in print. . . . 

That which your honor has quoted and criticized and 
nounced in us, in the exercise of our duties to our fellows in 
own country is now the statute law of Great Britain, passed 
the parliament of that country less than two years ago. I 
monarchical England these rights can be accorded to the w 
ing people, these subjects of the monarch, they ought no 
be denied to the, theoretically at least, free citizens ¢ 
republic. 

I say this to you, your honor, I would not have you to bel 
me to be a man of defiant character, in disposition, in conc 
Those who know me, and know me best, know that that is 
my makeup; but in the pursuit of honest convictions, consc 
of having violated no law, and in furtherance of the com 
interests of my fellowmen I shall not only have to but be wil 
to submit to whatever sentence your honor may impose.—F 
statement of Samuel Gompers in Supreme Court of the Dis 


LABOR AND THE LAW 69 


f Columbia, December 23, 1908, before imposition of sentence 
y Justice Wright, in contempt proceedings, 


Let us consider the position of a defendant who is charged 
ith crime as contrasted with, the position of a defendant who 
charged with violating an injunction. The man who is charged 
ith crime may have murdered his own mother, he may have 
gled his own child, he may have outraged the chastity of 
pure woman; and yet this monster is under the law entitled to 
€ presumption of innocence until he has by due process of law, 
ten adjudged guilty. He is guaranteed a trial by an impartial 
of his peers; if he believes and states that the judge of the 
is prejudiced against him, he may demand and secure a 
ge of venue and be tried before the judge of another court. 
eed, it is not unusual for a man of this character to have his 
in some other vicinity than the one in which the crime was 
Mmmitted; and even though he be guilty of the crime charged 
inst him, every extenuating circumstance is counted in his 
vor. If he is without means the court will appoint counsel to 
fend him. He must, in the course of his trial, be confronted 
* his accusers, and upon them and upon the state rests the 
den of proving the charge against him. 
The man who is charged with violating an injunction may be 
often is a peaceful, patriotic, law-abiding citizen whose life 
devoted to the amelioration of the condition of the weak and 
» helpless. On the application of some unfair corporation 
ich is oppressing its employees, an injunction is issued restrain- 
t this man from the performance of duties that are not of 
mselves in violation of any constitutional or statutory law. 
is man is charged with violating some provision of the injunc- 
He is thereupon commanded to appear in court and show 
why he should not be adjudged guilty and punished. Un- 
fe the murderer who is presumed to be innocent until he is 
pved guilty, this defendant is presumed to be guilty until he 
prove his own innocence. He is denied a trial by a jury of 
peers; he is not confronted by his accusers; he can not secure 
nge of venue; he must be tried by the judge whose dignity 
been offended, or at the best by an associate judge of the 
e court; he has no protection against either the bias or the 


70 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


animus of the court; he is at the mercy of a judge who may 
may not be disinterested, judicial, or dignified. 

Says the Jaw to the defendant: “You are presumed ta 
innocent until, after a fair and impartial trial, you are adjuc 
guilty by a jury of your fellow-citizens.” 

Says the injunction to the defendant: “You are presume: 
be guilty until you can prove your own innocence. You 
commanded to appear before the offended court to show c:z 
why you should not be sent to jail. . . .” 

Some carping critics have said, “why not obey the term: 
the injunction until the courts of last resort shall have rend 
their decision?” 

We answer that such a course was absolutely impossible. 
would have perverted and suppressed the lawful proceeding: 
a convention of the American Federation of Labor, a lay 
gathering and body. It would have conceded the surrende1 
the principles of freedom of speech and of the press. It we 
have deprived the men of labor of the right of calling the wr 
to the attention of the people, aye, it would have prevented 
men of labor even from making an appeal to Congress or fi 
giving the grounds or furnishing the arguments upon which t 
base their claims for congressional relief. It must be remembe 
that the defendants, their friends, sympathizers, agents and 
torneys were enjoined from mentioning directly or indirectly, 
printing, in writing, or by word of mouth, the original grievat 
the original contention, the injunction, or anything im connect 
therewith. 

But let us see whether the contentions of the critics to wh 
we refer are justified. A case in point is recalled. About twen 
one years ago the city council of Lincoln, Nebr., was investig 
ing charges made against a police magistrate. The attorneys 
the police magistrate secured a temporary suspension of 
investigation and before the investigation was resumed, secu 
from Judge Brewer, then on the circuit bench of the Uni 
States, an order restraining the city council from the removal 
the offending official. The restraining order was made rett 
able at a date about two months away. If the council had obe 
the injunction, considerable time would have elapsed, and f| 
if the temporary injunction had been made permanent, an apf 


LABOR AND THE LAW 71 


ild have been taken, and by the time the magistrate’s term 
| expired a final decision might not have been secured. The 
or and council, convinced that Judge Brewer’s injunction 
fered with the constitutional rights of the city authorities, 
tinued to perform their duties, made the investigation, and 
loved the official. Judge Brewer cited these officers for con- 
pt, imposed a fine of $600 on some and $50 on two others. 
» condemned men, with only one exception, refused to pay 
fine and were sent to prison. An appeal was taken to the 
uit court of the United States, which decided that Judge 
wer exceeded his authority in issuing the injunction and 
lared it void—that is, the defendants acted within their rights 
‘efusing to obey the order. The defendants were thereupon 
harged. The one member of the council, who, because of ill 
lth paid the fine rather than go to jail, was reimbursed by an 
opriation made by the Congress of the United States (United 
ves Court Reports, “ex parte; in the matter of Andrew J. 
yer et al., petitioners,” volume 124, page 200). 

jet us briefly quote other authorities. Here is one of great 
lortance. 

(A party can not be adjudged guilty of contempt for disobey- 
fan order which the court had no power to make.” (People 
"Neill, 47 Cal., 109; Ex parte Thatcher, 7 Ill., 1671; Walton 
‘Develing, 61 Ill., 201; Lester vs. People, 150 Ill., 408; 41 
R. A., 375; Ex parte Grace, 12 Iowa; 79 Am. Dec., 529.)— 
m editorial in American Federationist, February, 1909, on 
lice Wright’s decision. 


ustice Wright recently issued a writ to a joint House and 
ite committee of Congress requiring the committeemen to 
vy cause why a mandamus should not be issued by him to 
pel them to pursue a certain course. The committees re- 
ied to their respective houses. The Senate refused to recog- 
t the jurisdiction of the court to inquire into the acts of its 
ittee, and so notified Justice Wright. The House of Repre- 
tives decided to recognize the court’s jurisdiction, and its 


ever men placed themselves in contempt of court, the com- 
ee of the Senate and afterward all the Senators, placed 


72 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


themselves in that position, and yet what has Justice Wright : 
with these contemners? The mere fact that he later dismi 
the writ does not change the situation one jot. If he had 
authority and the jurisdiction to issue the writ, the Senators - 
bound to obey and in refusing to obey they were in conte 
If they were in contempt, why does he not exercise his power 
summon them before him for their refusal to obey his mand 
Justice Wright has not hesitated or failed to hale other 
before him for alleged contempt of court, to punish and sent 
them to long terms of imprisonment, when merely standin; 
their long-acknowledged rights as citizens. Why should he |] 
tate in the case of United States Senators? The reply is the 
realizes that if he attempted to bring the Senators before his 
for contempt, it would raise a storm of indignation and res 
ment throughout the country. The courts’ invasion of the dot 
of the legislators, as well as the domain of the constituti 
rights of the citizen, would be thrashed out in such a manne 
would bring the entire issue of judicial usurpation to the 
front to be settled, and settled right—American Federatio 
April, 1910. 


In itself the writ of injunction is of a highly important 
beneficent character. Its aims and purposes are for the protec 
‘of property rights. It never was intended, and never shoul 
invoked, for the purpose of depriving free men of their pers 
rights, the right of man’s ownership of himself; the right of 
locomotion, free assemblage, free association, free speech, 
press; the freedom to do those things promotive of life, lib 
and happiness, and which are not in contravention of the lay 
our land. We reassert that we ask no immunity for ourse 
or for any other man who may be guilty of any unlawfu 
criminal act; but we have a right to insist, and we do in 
that when a workman is charged with a crime or any unla 
conduct he shall be accorded every right, be apprehen 
charged, and tried by the same process of law and before a, 
of his peers, equally with any other citizen of our country. 
is agreed by all, friends and opponents alike, that the injunc 
process, beneficent in its inception and general practice, n 
should apply and legally can not be applied where there is ana 
ample remedy at law.—American Federationist, July, rgro. 


LABOR AND THE LAW 93 


We must reassert an old truth in a new way, and herald it 
roadcast: The courts are made for the people, and not the people 
(r the courts. 

Let me close these observations on this vital subject by quoting 
guarantee contained in the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780: 
In the government of this Commonwealth the legislative depart- 
jent shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either 
them; the executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial 
wers, or either of them; the judicial shall never exercise the legis- 


tive and executive powers, or either of them ; to the end that it may 
{a government of laws and not of men.” 


| That declaration contains the whole pith of genuine represent- 
jive republican government. If the Congress and the courts 
hd the executive had observed these first principles there would 
bt now be any need of protest on this issue from the men of 
bor, who, by reason of their position in and relation to society, 
just of necessity be the defenders and standard-bearers of true 
veedom.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, St. 
louis, Mo., November, rgro. 


(In self-defense, labor and its officials have in times past been 
ympelled to criticize judicial action. For this course our spokes- 
jen have been censured in unmeasured terms. But we are no 


on. . . . No leader of labor in all this land ever so fiercely 
f successfully attacked a court as did Mr. Justice Harlan. I 
ly successfully, because among the hundreds of lawyers and 
latesmen who have expressed themselves with respect to the 
lecisions in the oil and tobacco cases few have understood the 
vend and significance of these decisions as did Justice Harlan, 
at is to say, as a menace to the very life of the Republic and 
3 a usurpation of legislative power. Even such newspapers as 
sually assume the task of defending the courts in all circum- 
tances have either remained silent or have evasively and feebly 
*plied to the court’s critics. 

| Here are some of Justice Harlan’s words: 

\“TIn order that my objections to certain parts of the court’s opinion 
lay distinctly appear, I must state the circumstances under which 


jongress passed the anti-trust act and trace the course of judicial 
ecisions as to its meaning and scope. This is the more necessary be- 


44 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


cause the court by its decision, when interpreted by the language « 
opinion, has not only upset the long settled interpretation of the 
but has usurped the constitutional functions of the legislative br 
of the Government.” 

Then, after a review of the history of the act and of the j 
decisions thereunder, he thus proceeds: 

“Tt remains for me to refer, more fully than I have heretofore « 
to another, and in my judgment, if we look to the future, the 
important aspect of this case. That aspect concerns THE USURPA 
BY THE JUDICIAL BRANCH OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE FUNCTIONS OF 
LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. The illustrious men who laid the founda 
of our institutions deemed no part of the national Constitution of 1 
consequence or more essential to the permanency of our form of 
ernment than the provisions under which were distributed the po 
of government among three separate, equal and coordinate de 
ments—legislative, executive, and judicial. This was at that tir 
new feature of governmental regulation among the nations of the e 
and it is deemed by the people of every section of our own cot 
as most vital in the workings of a representative republic, w 
Constitution was ordained and established in order to accomplish 
objects stated in its preamble, by the means, but only by the m 
provided, either expressly or by necessary implication, by the in 
ment itself. No department of that Government can constitutio: 
exercise the powers committed strictly to another and separate 
partment.” 


Justice Harlan, in the course of his opinion, made a predic 
that the majority decision would “throw the business of 
country into confusion and invite widely extended and haras 
litigation, the injurious effects of which will be felt for m 
years to come.” How literally and exactly his predictions | 
been fulfilled all know. We are in a position now to ext 
heartfelt sympathies to business men, for we have known 
years what it was to have our rights so unsettled by court ‘ 
crees” that we knew not where we stood or what next 
EXPCCE 2) si. 

How great the obstacles interposed by courts have been to 
organization of labor, and to the exercise of the fundame 
legal rights of trade unionists, may be inferred from the nun 
of injunctions petitioned for and the number granted in 
course of a decade. As in the State of Massachusetts, from 1 
to 1908, employers petitioned for injunctions in sixty-six cz 
and injunctions were actually issued in forty-six, it may be | 
mated that the entire number granted throughout the Un 
States in that time reached not less than a thousand. The dar 
fo trade union effort lies not only in the injunctions actu 


LABOR AND THE LAW 75 


ssued, but also on occasions in the partial paralysis of union 
ctivity because of the threat of injunctions by employers and 
ecause of the aggressions of police authorities acting on the 
ssumption that injunctions already granted give them extraor- 
inary powers in case of strikes or lockouts. 

_ Now, what are the rights claimed by the trade unionists which 
ave been interfered with by the courts? ‘The trade unionist 
sserts, first of all, that his labor power is his own, to be exer- 
‘ised or not, according to his own will. He asserts, as well, that 
jis purchasing power is his own, to be applied, with respect to 
il things legitimately on sale, according to his own discretion 
ind judgment. The trade unionist’s right to the so-called “pri- 
nary” boycott has been recognized by the higher courts in the 
puntry, and he asserts the same right in every successive appli- 
lation he deems fit to make of it. A trade unionist further holds . 
hat his union is legal; that it has a right to exclude unqualified 
forkmen from membership; that its rules and by-laws are an 
jement in determining the legitimacy of a strike. He holds that 
| is not unlawful to attempt to peacefully persuade persons not 
)) enter or remain in the employment of any one against whom 
i strike is being carried on. He, of course, holds that a strike 
| lawful when directed against an employer with whom the 
yriking workmen have a direct dispute with regard to wages or 
Mnditions of labor for the purpose of obtaining a betterment of 
nese conditions. He also holds that no restraining order or 
junction should be issued by any court as against striking or 
icked-out employees which would not be issued against other 
jtizens and not even against workers who were not engaged in 
| strike or lockout with employers. He holds that an injunction 
ghtfully lies to protect from injury property or a property right 
the party making the application for which injury there is no 
ilequate remedy at law, such property or property right to be 
cribed in detail in ihe application. He holds that no right to 
yntinue the relation of employer and employee can lawfully be 
instrued as property. He holds that it can not lawfully be 
bearded as a conspiracy for two or more persons to agree con- 
ering the terms or conditions of employment of labor or the 
etermination of any relation between employer and employee, 
jor concerning any act to be done or not to be done with refer- 
lace to a labor dispute, unless the act or thing agreed to be done 


a. 


76 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


or not to be done would be unlawful if done by a sing 
individual. 

The trade unionists hold that in case of lockout or strike, the 
representatives, in their rightful enjoyment of the common pro 
erty of the community, may go about anywhere in the publ 
highways just as may be done by other citizens—no more, 1 
less. They hold that they have a right to approach persons 
the public highway and in a peaceful manner converse with the 
for the purpose of informing them of actual conditions, fac 
and circumstances in regard to labor disputes, and if possik 
inducing them not to enter into or not to continue in the servi 
of an employer. In all cases trade unionists regard a trial | 
jury as a fundamental right of a citizen charged with an offen 
against the laws. They are prepared at all times to maintain | 
a primary principle that courts should be restrained from enjoi 
ing members of a union, as they are restrained from enjoini 
other citizens, from exercising the rights of free speech and of 
free press. 

Often have decrees and decisions issued by the lower cout 
been revised and modified by the higher courts. Nearly all lab 
officials of experience are to-day acquainted with the clearly il] 
gal character of those decrees of the lower courts which have oft 
been eliminated, at least partially, by their superiors or have bei 
refused by other courts, their equals. Whereas, for examp! 
peaceful “picketing” and “patrolling” are frequently forbidd 
by one court, they are upheld by another. The same is true 
approaching non-unionists on the streets, or, in the words of ¢ 
injunction, “interfering with any person or persons who now a 
or may hereafter be in the employment of the complainant | 
desirous of entering the same,” etc. Likewise as to union actio 
or, in legal parlance, “any scheme or conspiracy among unionis 
for the purpose of preventing persons from continuing in # 
employ of certain employers.” Unionists have been enjoin 
from “following any products of the plaintiff's business for # 
purpose of learning what person or persons have purchased su 
products;” “or in any way interfering with the conduct of bu: 
ness by the plaintiff as now carried on by him,” etc., etc. 

All such indefinite and far-reaching inhibitions find no legi 
mate place in injunctions. They are a perversion of the inte 
and purposes of the injunctive writ. If any trade unionist shou 


LABOR AND THE LAW 7 


2 guilty of violating any law, we ask no immunity for him; we 
isist that the course to be pursued by justice is arrest, indict- 
ient, and trial by jury. 

It is time that the unjustifiable peremptory charges, brow- 
ating, censures, and threats of fines and imprisonment by in- 
nction judges should cease. ; 

‘It is time for the laboring people to know precisely how far 
ieir rights carry them when facing courts in labor disputes. 

|We have been assured by high judicial authority that “the 
odern writ of injunction is used for purposes which bear no 
lore resemblance to the ancient writ of that name than the milky 
ay bears to the sun.” Judges have not only restrained and 
unished the alleged commission of crimes defined by statute, 
mt they have proceeded to frame a criminal code of their own, 
«tended as they have seen proper, by which various acts innocent 
| law and morals have been made criminal. The tendency of 
le jurisdiction of the “equitable octopus called injunction,” has 
‘en to “grow and extend perpetually and unceasingly.” 

The people of this country have witnessed, in the course of a 
lebrated injunction case, how it has dragged on until years 
live been consumed, how the trade unions have been subjected 
trough it to extraordinary expenditures, and how the injunction 
hich began it has been used during all that time as a menace to 
event the proper and rightful activities of workers.——From 
nual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Atlanta, Ga., Novem- 
if, TOIT. 


‘Since the enactment of the labor provisions of the Clayton 
yatitrust Act federal courts have ceased to issue injunctions in 
id ustrial disputes and no more attempts have been made to dis- 
slve or penalize trade unions under antitrust laws. Efforts to 
erfere with the activities of trade unions and to destroy the 
fectiveness of labor organizations have not ceased, but opera- 
bns have been transferred to state courts. In many states 
ijunctions have increased in number and in viciousness of pur- 
pse. From this is apparent the necessity for the declaration of 


le A. F. of L. that the provisions of the Clayton Antitrust Act 
i the federal field must be supplemented by similar protective 


IV 
LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 


IMMIGRATION 


The time was when the American people could declare tha 
the United States should be a haven for the oppressed of ai 
nations and invite all who desired to seek a new home to com 
to our shores. At that time the industries of our country wet 
entirely in their infancy, our lands were undeveloped, our ré 
sources greater than we even knew. The people who came did s 
of their own volition, they cast their fortunes with those alread 
here, harmonized and blended with them. To-day, howevel 
there is not an industry which is not overcrowded with workin 
people who vainly plead for an opportunity to work. This is né¢ 
only confined to the factories, workshops, mills, mines and stores 
the same complaint can be heard arising from the farm land: 
and all join in one mighty cry that relief must come. 

On the other hand we see artificial famines in some of the olde 
countries caused by the vast holdings of the titled wealthy class 
While the masses starve the tyrannical autocrats and effet 
monarchs bolster up their miserable dynasties by forcing imm 
gration, while their willing tools furnish the means to aid thet 
out of their respective countries, and as they cannot go to mam 
other countries in Europe, and owing to the laxity of public spiri 
and a recognition of the dangers that threaten us, they 
literally “dumped” upon our shores. There are societies forme 
for that special purpose, who forward at least ten thousand em 
grants each month, and again the ship companies by the wile 
known to the cunning speculator, improperly stimulate a 
sary and unhealthy immigration. 

Then again, great corporations, in violation of the law ente 
into written and implied contracts for servile labor to crowd an 
compete with the employed and large masses of unemploye 


78 


oS ee ed 


= 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 79 


working people in our country. To crown the wrong some of the 
fficers of the United States Government charged with the en- 
forcement of the law to prevent improper immigration, showed 
2 lack of sympathy with the law, connived at its violation, and 
sought to bring the whole law into ridicule and contempt. Quite 
‘ecently, spurred on by organized labor, a better effort is made 
o enforce the law. 

There are ways and means by which, without bigotry, narrow- 
ess and a spirit of “knownothingism,” these wrongs can be 
remedied, and they can and should be formulated. One officer 
f the general government should have undivided authority and 
e held responsible for the enforcement of the law. 

I view the immigration problem not from a mere selfish stand- 
int of our own protection, but I am persuaded that it not only 
ends to destroy the independence, progress and advancement of 
yur people, but also is an efficient means by which the effete 
stitutions of some of the European countries are perpetuated, 

d thus economical, political and social reforms postponed or 
voided.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Bir- 
ingham, Ala., December, 1891. 


Contract laborers who are debarred by the decision of the 
igrant authorities from landing, are required to be immedi- 
tely deported to the countries from whence they came. Inas- 
uch as, however, they are, in most instances, the main witnesses 
ainst contractors in cases of suits brought in our courts for the 
overy of the legal penalties, the deportation of such immigrants 
fiten makes it difficult to succeed in such prosecutions of 
tractors. 
In order to avoid the keeping of immigrants as witnesses for 
indefinite time awaiting the trial in the ordinary course, power 
ould be given for proceeding before the courts on complaint of 
Immigration Commissioner and for the bringing of summary 
roceedings, to be tried by court and jury, with the immigrants 
S$ witnesses. This would avoid dependence upon the local United 
tates District Attorneys, who are by no means specialists on 
€ imaiigration laws, and who have not shown a disposition to 
orce existing law. It should also be provided that false testi- 
ony before the Boards of Special Inquiry, authorized to decide 
uestions of the admissibility of immigrants, shall be perjury. 


80 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Immigrants who have been debarred a landing, as coming 
violation of law as contract laborers, should be prohibited 
statute from entry to any port of the United States for at lea 
one year thereafter. 

One of the most efficient steps which, in my judgment, shou 
be taken to secure the exclusion of immigeanie whom the sp: 1 
of the law forbids to land in this country would be the appoir 
ment of special agents under the Immigration Bureau who show 
be authorized to go to foreign ports and return per steerage, mé 
ing covertly such inquiries and investigations as would lead 
the detection of intending immigrants who come in violation 
the law. i 

The fact that certain classes of “servants” have been permitt 
to land by reason of a technical defect in the law shows that 
statute should be amended so as to exclude all kinds of fore 
laborers who come here under contract. 

The best efforts of the immigration officials to enforce the 
are thwarted by many difficulties, among which is the coachi 
of immigrants by foreign ticket agents and officers of steams 
lines, who instruct immigrants as to the manner in which th 
may evade official interrogations. The law should make su 
coaching a misdemeanor. The exclusion at the port of admissi 
and the deportation of contract laborers would exercise the 
fluence of preventing many others from emigrating.—F, 
Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Denver, Col., 
cember, 1894. 


It is held by those who favor the unlimited immigration 
Chinese laborers that the passage of an exclusion law would 
detrimental to the commercial interests of the United State 
Our answer is that the limited benefits of trade to be obtaii 
by the so-called open-door policy in China can not in even | 
smallest degree recompense our people for the immensely grea 
loss caused by the displacement of so many of our countryn 
who are consumers as well as producers. ; 

The contrasted consuming power of the Chinese laborer 
limited almost exclusively to the products of China, and # 
surplus of his earnings is sent out of this country, where it 
earned, checking its prosperity, while the money paid as wag 
to our own people remains and correspondingly enriches it, stii 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 81 


lating our own industry and trade, thereby tending to continue 
ational prosperity. The very opposite effect is obtained by the 
mployment of Chinese. 

I shall certainly not at length attempt to discuss the economic 
hase of this proposition, but I heard some members ask whether 
le product of the Chinese does not enrich the country. Our 
aswer is in the negative. We say that the Chinese laborers wha 
ork and produce, say, $2 worth as a selling price of an article 
id receive in return, say, $1 in the form of wages, and live, as 
le statistics show they do live, on ro cents a day—if you please, 
y 15 cents per day—if men work and produce $2 worth and 
msume 15 cents worth of that production, that does not tend 
y enrich the country, for such a proportion of production and 
msumption can not continue for any appreciable length of time. 
If, say, 100,000 men can continue to produce $2 worth and 
msume 15 cents’ worth each day, the tendency must be that 
lose who come in competition with them as laborers will find 
lat certain articles have been produced at a given rate, and that 
ley must conform, or nearly conform, to the standard of life of 
lose who have produced the $2 worth. 

Men do not produce simply for the sake of production. Pro- 
uction goes on because it is for use and to consume. If the 
sople of the United States were to attempt to introduce the 
sonomic fallacy of having the workers produce, say, $2 worth 
id reduce their power of consumption, their power of production 
ould decrease in even a greater ratio——From testimony before 
1e Commitiee on Immigration, United States Senate, February, 
ie. 


I interested myself in securing the embodiment in the pending 
Il of a moderate educational test—a mere provision that adult 
Paierants must be able, before landing, to read, in some lan- 
lage, the Constitution of the United States. Exception is made 
wives, of children under 18, and of parents over 50. All 
ese, though unable to read, may be brought in, under the pro- 
d law, by the heads of their families. 
This regulation will exclude hardly any of the natives of Great 
itain, Ireland, Germany, France, or Scandinavia. It will ex- 
de only a small proportion of our immigrants from North 
y. It will shut out a considerable number of South Italians 


82 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


and of Slavs and others equally or more undesirable and injurious 

A provision of this kind will be beneficial to the more desirabl 
classes of immigrants, as well as to ourselves. It is good f¢ 
them, no less than for us, to diminish the number of that clas 
which by reason of its lack of intelligence, is slowest to appreciat 
the value of organization, and furnishes the easiest victims ¢ 
the padrones and the unscrupulous employer. It is good fc 
them, as well as for us, to raise the average intelligence of th 
citizens of the Republic. It is good to spur them to attain fc 
themselves that measure of intelligence which we regard as i 
dispensable to an American citizen. Every man who is worth 
of American citizenship can, if he will, obtain the small measu 
of education which it is proposed to require; and it is better 
him, as well as the country which he seeks to enter, that — 
should be compelled to get it. And even the countries fro 
which the immigrants come may be spurred, by the standa 
which we set up, to provide better facilities for the education ¢ 
their people, to the profit of those who remain at home, as we 
as of those who come to us.—From Annual Report to A. F. of 
Convention, New Orleans, November, 1902. 


I do not believe that we can be justly accused of a failure t 
recognize the obligation of the fraternity of man because w 
desire restriction of immigration. But the principle that sel 
protection is the first law of nature applies to internatior 
questions the same as it does to the nation, to the family, to f 
individual. Let me add this, too, that if the American peof 
adopt some practical measure that will stop to a consideral 
degree this wholesale immigration of people from several of th 
monarchical countries, where tyranny is the handmaid of povert 
and misery, these people, being obliged to remain at home, wi 
find the remedy for their economic and social ills in their ow 
country, and thus compel reform and improvement. 

One of the great devices for the safety of tyrants has alway 
been either a foreign war, or to drive some of the people out ¢ 
their country. If those dissatisfied spirits remain in their ow 
homes, they will compel kings and czars and kaisers to refort 
their ways and bring about better conditions in their ow 
countries. . . . 

I do not want you to interpret my remarks as emanating fror 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 83 


. advocate of free trade, but it does seem an inconsistency to 
pose a tax, a duty upon the product of the European and 
siatic workmen if this product is brought to the ports of our 
untry, and then to open up the same ports so that the work- 
en themselves can come here by the millions. . . . 
I have not anything against the Chinaman. I have met some 
uinamen of whom I think very much. But there is a whole 
ap of difference between the individual Chinaman we meet 
re and there, who has character and ambition and ideals, and 
jose aspirations are somewhat in unison with the ideals and 
e aspirations of the American citizen, and the average China- 
an who has come to the United States. I do not want to ex- 
ude the Chinaman from the United States because he is a 
finaman. I am opposed to the Chinaman coming to the United 
ates because his ideals, his civilization, are absolutely in an- 
gonism to the ideals and civilization of America. Never in the 
story of the world have Chinese gone to any country in any 
nsiderable numbers without one of two things occurring—first, 
at the Chinaman has dominated, or he has been driven out by 
ree. The Chinaman is a cheap man—From address before ~ 
mnference on Immigration, of The National Civic Federation, 
ew York City, December, 1905. 
Th his last annual message to Congress, the President recom- 
ended that our laws and treaties should be framed so as to put 
inese students, business and professional men of all kinds; not 
y merchants, but bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, 
eachers and the like, in the excepted class, but to state that 
will admit all Chinese, except Chinese coolies, whether skilled 
unskilled. 
few days thereafter a great conference was held in New 
k City which, from the lack of either information or under- 
ding upon the subject, came near the point of endorsing that 
sition. The conference finally adopted by almost unanimous 
e the declaration for the enforcement of the existing satis- 
tory law and treaty upon the subject. It is with considerable 
de that I can state that it was due to a few representatives 
Labor, myself included, that the first declaration was repudi- 
and the latter endorsed. 
bill to change the law in accordance with the President’s 


84 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE : 


recommendation was introduced in the House and very serio 
pressed. q 

Last December, with a number of friends, I had an inte: 
with the President, when his attention was called to the fact t 
if his recommendation were enacted into law the entire poli 
our government and people would be changed. 

The existing Chinese Exclusion Law provides in general ter 
that all Chinese shall be excluded from the United States a 
its possessions. Then the law proceeds to specify those who ¢ 
exempt from the operations of the law, those who may come 
our shores. ] 

The recommendation of the President would, if enacted ii 
law, in general terms specify that all Chinese shall be admiti 
to the United States and its possessions, and it then speci 
those who would be exempt and those who may not come. T. 
is, the Chinese coolies. 

Your attention is called to the fact that the burden of pr 
now devolves upon the Chinese of the exempt classes to lega 
show their right to come to the United States, its territories, 
its possessions. : 

If, on the other hand, the policy were reversed by the ena 
ment of the President’s recommendation, it would devolve up 
the United States to legally and conclusively show that all € 
nese coolies and laborers, no matter how great the numbers, a 
no matter how deep their deception, who would swarm to ¢ 
country or its possessions, would not be legally entitled to ent 

I have no right to say that the President has changed ] 
opinion upon the subject as the result of the conference refer 
to when it was brought to his attention how difficult and alm 
impossible it would be to exclude Chinese coolie laborers, whetl 
skilled or unskilled, if the burden of proof were placed upon 0 
government, but that he was interested in the new view and t 
new light in which the subject was placed before him, is beyo 
question. . 

That there have been a large number of Chinese coolies @ 
laborers who have entered both the United States and its poss 
sions since the issuance of the executive order last year, is mal 
fest. In addition, it may be interesting to know that the Co 
missioner-General of Immigration testified before a congressior 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 85 


ommittee that he was directed to enforce the Chinese Exclusion 
aw with less rigor. 

It is now currently reported that there is being negotiated a 
reaty between the United States and China with a view of modi- 
ying and repealing existing law. Of course, it is not the intent 
r purpose of our Chinese Exclusion Law to bar the coming of 
ona fide students, business or professional men, or those who 
esire to travel for pleasure or information. Experience has, 
owever, demonstrated the necessity for such safeguards from 
nposition, that the essential feature for the exempt classes who 
lay come to our shores, is that they shall clearly show that they 
9 not belong to the excluded class, the coolies and laborers. 

The American people do not object to the Chinese because 
ney are Chinese; they know from their own experience, as well 
s from the experience of ages of the peoples of other countries, 
lat the Chinese coolies and laborers can not assimilate with our 
ace; that their civilization, and ours as well, can not co-exist; 
aat the physical conditions, the standard of life, the progress of 
ur people, will not only be endangered but undermined and 
estroyed. 

We join with all our people in the desire to ensure fair treat- 
lent to those who may lawfully come to our shores from China, 
ut the deceptive character and means resorted to by Chinese 

ies and laborers so as to enable them to come to the United 
tates and its possessions in violation of law, leave us no alter- 
ative but to emphatically enter our protest, and by all nonor- 
le means at our command, whether by law or by treaty, to 
revent the reversal of our Seley which now in a measure safe- 
uards us from the possibility of being overwhelmed by the com- 

of the hordes of Chinese—From Annual Report to A. F. of 

Convention, Minneapolis, Minn., November, 1906. 


‘Your attention is called to the fact that in the new law, as in 
e old for more than thirty years, the provision is continued 
rally known as the anti-alien contract labor feature of the im- 
tion law. Some months ago a body of workmen was en- 
in a strike entirely provoked by the employers. The 
ployers set out to obtain workmen by contract in foreign 
Intries to come here and perform that work, 
Protest was made against their admission, and the Board of 


| 
F 


86 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE : 


Special Inquiry at Ellis Island sustained the protest and order 
the deportation of the contract workmen. From that order 
employers through their counsel appealed to the Department 
Commerce and Labor, which in turn submitted the question 
the Department of Justice. The Attorney-General, the chief | 
that Department, rendered an opinion which practically declar 
that “workmen of like kind” could not be obtained in the Unit 
States, and this, too, notwithstanding there were over one hui 
dred unemployed who were capable and willing to perform f# 
required work, but who declined to resign their membership 
an organization as a condition precedent to such employme 
Bound by the opinion of the Attorney-General, the Departme 
of Commerce and Labor decided in accordance therewith, tf 
versed the order of the Board of Special Inquiry for the deport 
tion of these contract workmen, and they were admitted. 

A similar case occurred, in another industry, quite recently ai 
the same theory of the law was enforced; that is, workmen we 
engaged in a strike, the employers contracted with workmen | 
a foreign country, and these workmen were permitted to ent 
upon the theory that they were not “workmen of like kine 
unemployed in the United States. 

We contend that the alien-contract labor feature of the imm 
gration law was designed and enacted for the purpose of prevel 
ing American workmen from being defeated in an effort 1 
improve their conditions, and particularly to prevent deterioratic 
and that, therefore, regardless of whether the relations of wor 
men with their employers are of the most amicable character, ¢ 
whether they anticipate or are engaged in a trade dispute invol 
ing either a strike or a lockout, employers are prohibited by # 
law from bringing workmen to the United States under contra 
or promise of employment, whether written or implied. . 4 
That workmen have been locked out by their employers or a 
on strike does not enter into the situation, regardless of the que 
tions in contention between such workmen and such employer: 
the fact that they are workmen capable of performing the servi 
required and are unemployed is in itself the condition prohibitir 
employers from entering into a written or implied contract f 
“workmen of like kind” coming from any foreign country 
our own.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
folk, Va., November, 1907. 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 87 


The advocacy of exclusion, is not prompted by any assumption 
f superior virtue over our foreign brothers. We disavow for 
merican organized labor the holding of any vulgar or unworthy 
rejudices against the foreigner. We recognize the noble possi- 
ilities in the poorest of the children of the earth who come to 
s from European lands. We know that their civilization is 
ufficiently near our own to bring their descendants in one gen- 
ration up to the general level of the best American citizenship. 
t is not on account of their assumed inferiority, or through any 
usillanimous contempt for their abject poverty, that, most re- 
ictantly, the lines have been drawn by America’s workingmen 
gainst the indiscriminate admission of aliens to this country. 
t is simply a case of the self-preservation of the American work- 
ag classes. Changes are constantly going on in Europe for the 
plift of the men of labor, and it can well be believed that each 
ountry in Europe is in position to-day to solve its own labor 
uestions in the way best for itselfi—American Federationist,~ 
anuary, Tort. 


America has not yet become a nation. It is still a conglom- 
rate mass of various and diverse ethnic groups. Hordes of 
migrants have crowded into our ports, and have, for the most 
art, settled in the nearest industrial center. In some cases they 
i in masses moved further inland to industrial centers where 
e nature of the work required comparatively little skill. In 
any of these cases the coming of the immigrants was due to the 
tivities of managers of industries, who arranged to secure the 
nancial advantages by employing foreign workers who still re- 
ined the standards and prejudices of other countries. So we 
nd in many industrial centers sections that are known as “Little 
ungary,” “Little Italy,” etc. The inhabitants of these little 
ations transplant to American soil the institutions and the 
andards of their fatherlands. They gain nothing by coming. 
hese communities speak a foreign language, read foreign papers, 
ess in accord with foreign customs and bring up their families 
accord with foreign standards. There is practically no sus- 
ined effort on the part of society or the nation to assimilate 
ese foreign groups and to make of them Americans. Nor is 
is condition confined only to the poorer immigrants. There are 
reign communities in the resident districts of the large cities. 


88 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


These remain even more exclusively foreign because their wealt 
enables them to have foreign schools and foreign instruction fo 
their children. Thus the foreign group and alien influence be 
come rooted in the life of the community. 

The workers of America have felt most keenly the pernicioi 
results of the establishment of foreign standards of work, wage 
and conduct in American industries and commerce. Foreigi 
standards of wages do not permit American standards of life 
Foreign labor has driven American workers out of many trade 
callings, and communities, and the influence of these lower stz 
ards has permeated widely. 

For years the organized labor movement has called attentia 
to these vicious tendencies which affect not only the workers bu 
the whole nation, for national unity is weakened when the nati 
is honeycombed with “foreign groups” living a foreign life. . . 

It has been urged against the literacy test that this standa 
would make many suffer because they had been denied oppo: 
nities. That may be true, but it is equally true that our nati 
can not work out all of the problems of all other nations. W 
can not undertake to educate all of those to whom other countri€ 
deny educational opportunities. Each nation must undertake an 
solve its own educational problems. The adoption of the literz 
test by our own country would have a tendency to force natio: 
to establish more general educational opportunities for all of thei 
people. It is only a half truth to say that the literacy test woul 
close the gates of opportunity to illiterate foreigners. As a matt 
of fact there is very little real opportunity for these people 
our industrial centers. Usually they have been brought ov 
here either by steamship and railroad companies and oth 
greedy corporations, by employers, or as a result of collusio 
between these groups. ‘They have been brought over here it 
the purpose of exploitation, and until they develop powers ¢ 
resistance and determination to secure things for themselves the} 
have little opportunity here. These same qualities would se 
for them within their own countries many of the advantages 
later come to them here—American Federationtst, April, 1916 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 89 


THE TRUSTS AND LABOR 


Our newspapers have labored under the imagination they can 
make the people believe that they are serious in the effort to 
attack and crush or wreck the trusts. They do not understand 
that the trust is simply an evolution from the old-time individual 
establishments merged into partnerships, into companies and 
again into corporations, and finally into the company of cor- 
porations, the trusts. 

Experience will demonstrate that there is a power growing 
wholly unnoticed by our superficial friends of the press which 
will prove itself far more potent to deal with the trusts, or if the 
trusts inherently possess any virtue at all, to see that they are 
directed into a channel for the public good, and that growing 
power is the much despised organized labor movement of our 
country and our time. Wait and see—American Federationist, 
December, 1896. 


Organized labor is deeply concerned regarding the “swift and 
intense concentration of the industries,” and it realizes that 
unless successfully confronted by an equal or superior power, 
there is economic danger and political subjugation in store for all. 
_ But organized labor looks with apprehension at the many 
panaceas and remedies offered by theorists to curb the growth 
and development, or to destroy the combinations of industry. 
We have seen those who knew little of statecraft, and less of 
economics, urge the adoption of laws to “regulate” interstate 
commerce, and laws to “prevent” combinations and trusts; and 
we have also seen that these measures, when enacted, have been 
the very instruments to deprive labor of the benefit of organized 
effort, while at the same time they have simply proved incentives 
to more subtly and surely lubricate the wheels of capital’s 
combination. 

For our own part, we are convinced that the state is not 

capable of preventing the development, or the natural concentra- 
ion of industry. All the propositions to do so which have come 
nder our observation, would, beyond doubt, react with greater 

force and injury upon the working people of our country than 
pon the trusts. 

_ The great wrongs attributable to the trusts are their corrupting 


90 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


influence on the politics of the country, but as the state h 
always been the representative of the wealth possessors, we 
be compelled to endure this evil until the toilers are organize 
and educated to the degree that they shall know that the sta 
is by right theirs, and finally and justly come to their own, whi 
never relaxing in their efforts to secure the very best 
sible economic, social and material improvement in th 
condition. ... 

In the early days of our modern capitalist system, when i 
dustry was conducted under the individual employer, 
individual workmen deemed themselves able to cope for 
rights; when industry developed and employers formed 
panies, the workingman formed unions; when industry conce 
trated into great combinations, the workingmen formed 
national and international unions; as employmermts becar 
trustified, the toilers organized federations of all unions, loc 
national and international, such as the American Federation | 
Labor. 

We shall continue to organize and federate the grand army 
labor, and with our mottoes, fewer hours of labor, higher wage 
and an elevated standard of life, we shall establish equal ai 
exact justice for all—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Ca 
vention, Detroit, Mich., December, 1899. 


We can not, if we would, turn back to the primitive conditiot 
of industry which marked the early part of the last century. 
is therefore idle chatter to talk of annihilating trusts. 

In the association of many persons in order to secure the larg 
sums of money necessary to finance modern industry, lay th 
germ of the trust. We not only can not prevent the associatio 
of these vast organizations of capital in what we call trusts, bu 
in some sense we should not wish to do so. 

The trust is, economically speaking, the logical and inevitabl 
accompaniment and development of our modern commercial an 
industrial system. ; 

It lessens the waste in production which is bound to oct 
under individual initiative. In fact, the trust may be said t 
have successfully solved the problem of the greatest economy 1 
production. It has, however, other important functions which a 
a rule it does not yet properly perform and the failure in thes 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES oI 


respects very justly arouses a widespread and intense feeling of 
protest among the masses of our people. 

Asserting that the trust is a logical and inevitable feature of 
gur modern system of industry is merely stating that our modern 
plan of production, which for brevity and convenience we call 
the trust system, is the most perfect yet attained. We do not, 
however, mean to imply by this that the izdividuals who form 
tusts, who manipulate them, who profit by them, are logically 
und inevitably right in many of the methods they employ or the 
engths to which they go. Neither do we concede the argument 
hat these individuals who form and manage trusts are so superior 
i class of beings that they are entitled to the enormous largesse 
which many of them claim from the profits of economical pro- 
luction. Quite the contrary is the fact. Much of the protest 
igainst trust methods is justly and legitimately based on the fact 
hat trust promoters, managers, and owners seize and keep for 
hemselves a far greater share of the profits of modern production 
ind distribution than that to which they are entitled. 

Many of these gentlemen are merely fortunate accidents in 
he crystallization of a new era. They too, often, forget that 
hey are bound to give accounting, to do justice to that great 
orce which makes industry possible—the people—in their two 
apacities, as producers and consumers. 
It is only fair to say that the greatest and most enlightened 
sombinations of capital in industry have not seriously questioned 
he right and, indeed, the advisability of organization among 
mployees. There is economy of time and power and means of 
lacing responsibility in “collective bargaining” with employees 
yhich bring the best results for the benefit of all. 
Organized labor has less difficulty in dealing with large firms 
nd corporations to-day than with many individual employers or 
mall firms. 
We have recently seen examples of the bitter antagonism to 
abor by certain small employers, whose ideas of industry seem 
be medieval rather than modern. To some extent they have 
asped the idea of organization or association among themselves, 
ut they fail to concede the necessity of organization among 
age-workers. In an opera bouffe fashion they emulate the 
bber barons of the middle ages, whose sole idea of profit was 
plunder the individual whom they could find at a disadvantage, 


92 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


The workers of the country have pretty thoroughly mastered 
the broad economic truth that organization is the watchword of 
modern industry. Labor concedes the right of organization 
among employers. It is perfectly willing to deal with such asso- 
ciations, provided its own rights are not denied or invaded. To 
put it more strongly, provided its rights are recognized and 
conceded... . . 

The perception of what a trust really is becomes the more 
confused, because the great aggregations of capital, loosely called 
by that name, differ much in their characteristics. Some strive 
to monopolize certain valuable and necessary sources of natural 
wealth, in order to completely control production, and, in addi- 
tion, undertake to monopolize every avenue of distribution so 
completely that the consumer may be delivered to them, bound: 
hand and foot, helpless against their most exorbitant demands, 
and all this for the enrichment of the few individuals who have 
contrived, in the shifting elements of a new era, to gain such 
control. 

Yet this abuse of methods and functions does not at all invali 
date the fact that this is absolutely the era of association a 
contrasted with individual effort, nor does the foregoing charac- 
terization apply to all trusts. } 

Serious problems, indeed, confront us, but they are not hope- 
less. In intelligent and associated use of the powers of the many 
will be found the solution. Disorganized and violent denun- 
ciation is more harmful than helpful. Constructive and asso- 
ciated effort must check and correct the abuses which have grown 
so rapidly in this era of concentrated methods of production and” 
distribution. a 

The wage-workers of the country are setting an example in 
this respect. Their efforts will be successful in proportion to the 
unity of their effort and the thoroughness with which the people 
at large realize that the masses are one in interest and have un= 
limited power to check aggression, if they but assert their rights’ 
and their powers and use them constructively, intelligently, and) 
with unswerving persistence. . . 

For the consumer to shout “down with the trusts” because he 
finds his pocket-book affected is no more reasonable than the 
cry of “smash the machines” which was once heard from wage 
workers whose means of livelihood were threatened during the 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 93 


yeriod of adjustment in certain trades while machinery was 
eplacing hand labor. 

It is easy to comment on the short-sightedness of the poor 
nisguided worker who had no organization and no philosophy to 
ide him over the period of adjustment and who had not yet 
earned to fit himself to the new conditions, but it does not seem 
o easy for many people to see that trust smashing is quite as 
mpossible a remedy for the evils which now confront them. 

It must be trust reform in order that our vaunted economy in 
oduction and distribution shall inure to all the people to what- 
ver degree they are entitled. That reform, to be effective, must 
ome from another source than that now generally accepted. 
Phere must be created a public opinion which will see to it that 
he will of the people and not the mandate of corporate influences 
hall be paramount. What we want is a more democratic spirit 
n the conduct of our affairs, industrial, commercial, executive, 
egislative, and judicial—From address at Chicago Conference on 
"rusts, October, 1907. 


CONTROL OF CAPITAL AND FINANCE 


Already it is discerned that finance has been largely dethroned 
rom its all-controlling power over labor and industry. Up to a 
= ago, if exposures had been made as have been made in 
e recent past, of peculation as well as speculation and of the 
orrupting influences of “high finance,” a financial panic, involv- 
ng an industrial crisis and stagnation, with all its attendant 
vils, would undoubtedly have been inevitable. 
The time is happily passing when purely speculative finance 
an hold the dominating power to endow or undo industry. With 
qore compact organization of labor, with more enlightened em- 
oo finance is taking and will take its proper place and 
erform its proper functions, that of serving the purpose of real 
ey and trade, of being a real measure of value, a medium 
f exchange. Thus the relative position of importance is being 
ansposed, and industry and commerce are coming to control 
md regulate finance. 
It is labor and industry which create values, money included. 
finance, as in all things, the created thing should never be 
eater than its creator. The Frankenstein, the power of finance 


/ 


| 


94 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


which the people in the past created, has been given its prop 
limitations and power, and with intelligence it will no long 
threaten death or destruction to those who gave it the breath 
life—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Pitt 
burgh, Pa., November, 1905. 


The full value of production does not go to the actual workin, 
men to-day. A portion goes to investment, superintendence 
agencies for the creation of wants among people, and many oth 
things. Some of these are legitimate factors in industry entitle 
to reward, but many of them should be eliminated. The legi 
mate factors are superintendency, the creation of wants, admil 
istration, returns for investment in so far as it is honest inve 
ment and does not include watered stock or inflated holding 

Whether or not dividends should be paid as an incident 
stock ownership regardless of the personal services performe 
the activity or inactivity of the owner of the stock, depends al 
gether upon whether the investment is an honest one. An hon 
investment is an honest actual physical investment. ... Vé 
much of the opposition to the efforts of the working people to § 
cure improved conditions has come from those who obtain wh 
may be called an unearned share in the distribution—From a 
stract of testimony before United States Commission on Indu 
trial Relations, New York City, May 21-23, 1914. 


The eternal problem with which the labor movement has 
cope is control of property—to bring property into such relatior 
to human life that it shall serve and not injure. The strug 
has been long and hard but the day is past when the labor move 
ment has to justify its right to be classified as a necessary agene 
with a function to perform in achieving greater freedom an 
justice. Its claim to acceptance as an instrumentality for achiey 
ing human progress is based upon the nature and the value @ 
the service it renders. It was born out of efforts of workers t 
think out modern phases of that world-old universal probler 
—property. 

Trade unions regard property and the laws of property a 
human institutions, intended for service in the development ¢ 
individuality, giving each a feeling of security and assuramc 
and independence, which mean freedom to direct and contr 
his life. . 


: LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 95 


‘It [the trade union movement] does not seek to overthrow 
rivate property. It regards private property as a necessary 
zency for securing opportunity for individual independence and 
ssourcefulness, but it wishes to safeguard private property for 
se by preventing the perversion of property as an agency purely 
ir exploitation and individual aggrandizement in order to estab- _ 
sh an autocracy.—American Federationist, November, 1916. 


GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 


‘We are unable to join in the enthusiasm manifested by the 
Wverning powers of the State of Minnesota over their ‘“‘success- 
i” methods of putting the price of binder twine down to three 
nts below the level at which “the trust” is able to sell it. Nor 
in we hurrah very heartily over the fact that by the same 
ethod the State will regulate the market rates of agricultural 
aplements in the coming year. 
The State’s method is simple—so simple that the morality of 
“seems to have evaded the attention of its legislative, judicial, 
id executive departments, and of its citizens in general. It is 
ie good old plan of reducing a workingman to slavery and 
king from him by force all of the product of his labor except 
bare subsistence. Success in this plan blinded many a genera- 
on of slaveholders, and the success of Minnesota is undoubted, 
r she made a profit of $189.69 last year out of every slave in 
x twine works, and with her new agricultural implement works 
so operated by the same sort of slave labor her total profits 
om this source are expected in future to average $300,000 a 
ar. All goes into the State treasury. 
Apart from our objections to slave labor, the feature of the 
- which results in barring the trust-made binder twine out 
Minnesota brings up in our bosom certain disturbing sensa- 
a There are many good trade union people working for 
Tusts” in this country, if by the word “trust” is to be meant 
y industry conducted on a large scale. The railroads are an 
ample. Actually, we prefer to see railroad men in their present 
mdition than in slavery. 
The binder twine trust employed free labor to make the goods 
formerly sold in Minnesota. Each slave who is now handing 
er to the State $189.69 annually has been substituted for a 


: 


96 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


freeman, whose wages must have been approximately the sé 
as those prevailing in similar grades of work in the United Sta 
and on the whole, after some extended observation, we beli 
that the general American rate of wages is still somewhat m 
than sufficient to maintain our workingmen above the slave le 
We shall be reckless right here and now and say, however mi 
the trust in the financial and industrial field is abhorrent to j 
tice, we are willing to tolerate it for a little while longer rat 
than see it abolished by the Minnesota method. There n 
possibly be some other way.—American Federationist, Nov 
ber, 1910. 


From every point of view this step of the French Governm 
[dissolving the syndicate of school teachers] assists the obset 
of State socialism in a study of its principles and operation. 1 
Government as employer brooks no opposition from its 
ployees. It can, and does, wipe out their organization. It 
and does, through its heads of administration, proceed fu 
than the law-making branch has by statute authorized. It ¢€ 
and does, control the political activities of the employees. ~ 
can, and does, hire and discharge not only by merit, but 
systems of exclusion bearing upon the political principles 
applicants for, or holders of, positions. With every extension 
the functions of government, as they are now exercised in Frat 
the field of freedom of the individual is obviously narrow 
The trade union is the one defense and protector of the wa 
workers in any occupation whatsoever—no body of employ 
can decree the dissolution of a union. The heads of governmt 
departments can. To carry out such a decree is, of cout 
another thing. But should the workers of America take the & 
of inviting such a decree by conferring greater powers of € 
character upon the government? Is there no lesson for Americ 
workers in this action of the government of the Republic 
France?—American Federationist, February, 1913. 


Several resolutions [at Seattle Convention, A. F. of L., 191 
dealt with the subject of government ownership. Its great 
portance to workers arises from the effect municipal owners! 
would have upon labor organizations, and hence upon labor ec 
ditions. The convention endorsed the resolution of the stre 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 97 


r employees, denouncing the denial of the right to organize 
der municipal ownership, directing the Executive Council to 
spare a bill for the purpose of preventing that practice, and 
structing state branches to assist in its enactment into state 
y. Endorsement of collective ownership of mines, railroads, 
d industries supplying necessities, was refused. In view of 
= importance of the matter and the tendency favoring municipal 
mership the convention deemed it wise and necessary to direct 
e Executive Council to make a thorough investigation as to 
es, hours, conditions of employment, and rights of employees 
places where municipal ownership has been adopted —A mert- 
n Federationist, January, 1914. 


Governmental ownership and control like other institutions 
yw by what they feed on. Governmental ownership and con- 
Ml instituted for one phase of industrial relations gradually 
t inevitably reach out to other connected relations until the 
jole is under the domination not of the people but of an 
garchy—a bureaucracy. 
A good illustration of immediate conditions resulting from 
tting all forces and institutions at the service of society exists 
day in Germany. There is no consideration given the indi- 
jual, the welfare of the majority is the declared purpose of 
ery policy. All of the activities, the relations and the customs 
the nation are specifically regulated in the interest of the 
tion. What is a war measure there constitutes the negation 
personal freedom. Each individual is assigned to that work 
which he can contribute the greatest service to the majority 
the people. Everything is controlled—the use of the land for 
iculture and the number of slices of bread. The regulation 
efficient. 

gland has established the principle of ownership and control 
has not applied it so generally. The latest papers from 
tralia indicate that this governmental control and ownership 
ye a much firmer grip upon industrial conditions because the 
ithods and agencies for control were already in existence and 
principle was an established practice, and therefore did not 
t with serious objection. 
ere is for every state of Australia and for the Common- 
lth machinery for controlling hours of work, wages and con- 


98 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


ditions of work. As a result of the industrial upheavals resul 
from the war officials in charge of the wages-regulating machi 
immediately gave the hint that the upward movement of » 
machinery was blocked, but that movement in the other di 
tion was possible. Employers at once took the “tip” and 
made a vigorous effort to reduce wages under existing awa 
In several states Necessary Commodities Commissions } 
appointed with power to fix prices. These worked independe 
of the officials fixing wages—a bad arrangement for those 
are expected to adapt decreasing wages to increasing prices. — 
It is charged that the price fixed for wheat by the governme 
agents has been manipulated in Victoria and in New South W 
to enable the wheat buyers to secure exorbitant profits at 
expense of the farmers. The millers of Victoria charge 
speculators with gambling a “corner on wheat.” 
The remedy proposed is additional control—to make 
compulsory upon demand at a fixed price. It is recognized 7 
desire for individual gain is an important element in these eff 
to make money, and it is further proposed to regulate out 
existence all undesirable selfish elements in human nature. Wi 
that it were possible—but experience demonstrates that the 
chine for “regulation” becomes the chief object of manipula 
Other illustrations of governmental control are the fixing 
the price of butter by the New South Wales government; 
whole of the Australian woolen mills are now organized as { 
of the Defense Department; the New South Wales governm 
has definitely decided, according to the Attorney-Gener, i, 
extend the state bakery system to cover New South Wales. © 
intention is to nationalize the bread industry. The Austra 
bakeries were on the eve of installing machinery which in at 
tion to the concentration of monopoly management would th 
many out of employment. But under the new governme 
policy the private employers will be spared the expense of 
chasing the machinery as well as the cost of the rearrangen 
or transition from hand to machine labor. 2 
But the bakery workers do not view their future with 
ure. The Sydney Bakers’ Union adopted a motion condemi 
any action taken by the government which will minimi 
ployment. It is now suggested that the government under 
governmental operation of more industries in order to give 


MP Fr sy 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 99 


en work. It is pointed out that governmental operation of 
ikeries can be made more effective by extending state control 
flour mills. Thus one step in governmental regulation leads 
another and another. 

Recently the medical profession was startled by a proposal to 
itionalize the hospitals of New South Wales. 

As a matter of fact, conditions in Australia lead to the convic- 
mn that governmental ownership and control solve nothing. 
hey simply transfer industrial problems to the political field, 
state them in political terms and then try to solve them by 
litical methods. They do not touch the causes of industrial 
est as directly and as effectively as the use of economic 
encies and methods. The industrial injustice resultant from 
e evils in modern industry as well as the result of the inherent 
sakness and characteristics of human nature has not been 
ttered but made infinitely worse by government ownership and 
ntrol. Those fundamental causal elements can be best held 
check by the stronger economic force, at least until social and 
dividual morality reach a higher plane. 

What then is the advantage of governmental ownership and 
ntrol over conditions in the United States? Are experiences 
wrongs, injury and injustice, even if inflicted upon other 
ople, to have no lesson for us?p—American Federationist, June, 
ip 5 


The defeat by the labor unions of the proposed municipal 
eet-car system in Detroit has puzzled and taken aback the 
itellectual” group of advocates of public ownership of utilities 
general. They have been in the habit of hastily going ahead 
their theories without taking into account the lessons the 
e-workers have learned thereon, sometimes at a dear price. 
. Trade unionists are convinced that to take away by ar- 
ary order both the laborer’s supreme lawful right to dispose 
his labor at his own will and the laborer’s correlative rights 
€aring, petition, and association is to crush him and abandon 
1 in helpless slavery. No municipal ownership scheme, with 
€ unionism left out, can be acceptable to trade unionists and 
rty-loving citizens—American Federationist, February, 1916. 


e employees of the government are denied the right collec- 
y to lay down their tools or implements of their work and 


100 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


quit. They cannot strike. They are forbidden to strike. 
few letter carriers in West Virginia a few months ago und 
collectively to send in their resignations. They have been 
dicted and in order that they might have the smallest, low 
sentences imposed upon them, some of them consented, 
protest, and did plead guilty and thus the precedent has F 
established. How it was brought about, how it was manipula 
I am not in a position to say, but that it was a great wrong a 
cannot bear the scrutiny of investigation I am satisfied. E 
that is the status of the government employee in so far as 
right to strike is concerned.—From address at Mass Meeti 
Washington, D. C., December 18, 1916, in behalf of salary ; 
creases for Government clerks. 


Now that several suggestions looking toward governm 
ownership are under discussion, it would be well for the &€ 
ployees of those enterprises to consider carefully the plight 
which present government employees find themselves. EF 
standards in the government service have not been revised 1 
fifty years. Costs of living have been rising—precipitously 1 
ing within the past twelve months. Government employees, F D 
viously none too generously paid, have felt the keen pinch 
discomfort as they tried to adjust to meet present conditions. ~ 

This year they presented to Congress definite demands 
salary increases. Congress having made generous appropriatio 
for all manner of enterprises and suggested $18,000,000 | 
rivers and harbors, suddenly finds itself confronted by a defi 
and tells a hard luck story to its petitioning employees. 

Now what are these employees to do? Meekly submit a 
submit to the injustice Congress refuses to remedy? They ¢ 
not, like employees in private industries, assert their rights. ~ 
is Claimed that government employees have foregone the mg 
to strike. The government has restricted their political rights. 
political activity is not tolerated in the service. Many employ 


Many of the men workers have been unable to maintain a re: 
dence where they have the right to vote. 


the union by victimizing union men. 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES IOI 


It is well for all the workers to seriously consider the plunge 
into government ownership; whether after all it would not in- 
volve the plight of jumping from the frying pan into the fire. 
—American Federationist, February, 1917. 


INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION 


We contend that education in America must be free, demo- 
cratic, conducted by, of, and for the people, and that it must 
never be consigned to, or permitted to remain in, the power of 
private interests where there is sure to be the danger of exploita- 
tion for private profit and willful rapacity. Under the pretense 
of industrial education private agencies for personal profit have 
perverted the term, resulting in a narrow and specialized train- 
ing to the detriment of the pupils, the workers, and people 
generally. 

Modern methods of manufacturing with their division and 
subdivision and specialization have to a large extent, rendered 
nearly superfluous and therefore largely eliminated the all-round 
skilled worker. Some so-called modern apprenticeship systems 
are Narrow, producing a line of trained “specialists.” It has 
been well said that specialists in industry are vastly different 
[rom specialists in the professions. In the professions specialists 
Jevelop from the knowledge of all the elements of the science of 

profession. Specialists in industry are those who know but 
me part of a trade and absolutely nothing of any other part of 
it. In the professions specialists are possessed of all the learning 
n their professions; in industry the specialists are denied the 
jpportunity of learning the commonest elementary rudiments 
Recs other than the same infinitesimal part performed by 
them perhaps thousands of times over each day. 
| Our movement in advocating industrial education protests 
nost emphatically against the elimination from our public school 
ystem of any line of learning now taught. Education, techni- 

y or industrially, must be supplementary to and in connection 

ith our modern school system. That for which our movement 
tands will tend to make better workers of our future citizens, 

er citizens of our future workers——From Annual Report to 
" F. of L. Convention, Toronto, Canada, December, 1909. 


102 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Conservation is one of the topics uppermost in the mind of th 
American public to-day, but there is one phase of conservatiol 
which is not receiving the attention which it deserves; I refer 
the conservation of the brain and brawn of our American youth 
Our school systems are giving only a one-sided education; 
boy may go to school and prepare himself for professional o 
commercial life, or he may drop out of school and enter a trad 
with no particular preparation and become a mediocre workman 
Training of brain and muscle must go together for the complete 
preparation of men. 

While the public schools and colleges aim only at teaching pro 
fessions, the greatest need of America, educationally, is the im 
provement of industrial intelligence and working efficiency in 
American youth. We need an educational uplift for the work ¢ 
the boy who will work with his hands, and we not only need t 
give an educational uplift to craftsmanship, but the school need 
the help of the workman and his better work in education. Wi 
should realize better the interdependence between our commodi 
education and our common industries. This can be effectuated 
only by a system of industrial schools, differentiated from 
manual training schools, which shall actually train workmen foi 
the trades and at the same time give them a broader mental cul 
CUTE nti 

The fact that industrial education, like academic education, 
becoming a public function and that it should be paid for by 
public funds is fast gaining supporters. At a recent meeting if 
Indianapolis the department of superintendents of the Nation: 
Education Association placed on record its approval of the gen 
eral plan, and especially emphasized the desirability of enlarging 
the work of the Federal and State Departments and Bureau 
which have to do with public education. But most significant i 
the following declaration by that organization: 

“That the department, while heartily approving every agency thal 
may be used to advance the educational interests of both States anc 


Nation, places itself on record as disapproving any appropriation mac 
by either legislatures or Congress for any institution which is not su . 


plete Federal and State control and investigation.” 


—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, St. Louis, Mo, 
November, rg10. 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 103 


It is not generally known that to the organized labor move- 

ment of Massachusetts belongs the credit of establishing public 
schools in Massachusetts and the general public school system as 
it has since developed. Prior to that time there were schools 
which children of poor parents could attend, but attendance at 
such schools carried with it the stigma of the poverty of the 
parents. Such poverty was a stigma then. The labor movement 
of Massachusetts secured the enactment of a law removing as a 
requirement for attendance at these schools that the parents of 
the children must declare that they could not afford to pay for 
the tuition of their children. Thus came into existence the first 
‘public school in the United States—From abstract of testimony 
before United States Commission on Industrial Relations, New 
York City, May 21-23, 1914. 
: The period is almost past where the United States can depend 
‘upon cheap raw materials obtained with comparatively little 
Tabor from its mines and virgin fields. It is entering upon a 
period when it must depend upon the qualities of human labor. 
‘Under these conditions industrial decline is the only alternative 
to industrial education. Do you think that organized labor is 
going to advocate a policy of industrial decline—a policy of 
‘competing on a basis of cheap labor, instead of trained and ef- 
ficient labor? .. . 

Do you think it is going to advocate the adoption of Chinese 
methods i in its competition with Europe? I can assure you that 
‘the American workingman will not accept any such solution of 
the problem. He will insist that competition shall be upon the 
es not of cheap brute labor, but of intelligent efficient skilled 
‘labor, which means that he will in the Future, as he has done in 
‘the past, insist that the instruction in our public schools be made 
‘democratic. In a word, that the public schools generally shall 
‘institute industrial education, and that that education shall be 
based upon an exhaustive study of the industries to determine 
| what sort of industrial training is required and is most con- 
ducive to the physical, mental, material and social welfare of 
the workers, the quality of citizenship, the perpetuity of our 
‘republic ane fulfillment of its mission as the leader in the human- 
jitarianism of the world. 

Organized labor has fase opposed and will continue to op- 


104 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE | 


pose sham industrial education, whether at public or at private 
expense. It has opposed and will continue to oppose that super- 
ficial training which confers no substantial benefit upon th 
worker—does not make him a craftsman but only an interloper, 
who may be available in times of crisis, perhaps as a strike 
breaker, but not as a trained artisan for industrial service at 
other times. Industrial education must train men for work, not 
for private and sinister corporation purposes. . . . 

Organized labor has opposed and will continue to oppose some 
enterprises which have been undertaken in the name of industria 
education. It has opposed and will continue to oppose the 
exploitation of the laborer even when that exploitation is done 
under the name of industrial education. It may continue te 
regard with indifference, if not with suspicion some private 
schemes of industrial education. With regard to such enterprises 
where they are instituted by employers, with a single eye to the 
profit of such employers, organized labor will have to be shown 
that the given enterprise is not a means of exploiting labor— 
means of depressing wages by creating an over supply of labo 
in certain narrow fields of employment. 

Organized labor cannot favor any scheme of industrial educa: 
tion which is lop-sided—any scheme, that is to say, which will 
bring trained men into any given trade without regard to 
demand for labor in that trade. Industrial education must main 
tain a fair and proper apportionment of the supply of labor powe 
to the demand for labor power in every line of work. : 
Otherwise its advantages will be entirely neutralized. If, for 
example, the result of industrial education is to produce in any 
community a greater number of trained machinists than are 
needed, those machinists who have been trained cannot derive 
any benefit from their training since they will not be able to find 
employment except at economic disadvantage. Under these con- 


have received it, and it is a distinct injury to the journeymen 
working at the trade who are subjected to a keen competition 
artificially produced. Industrial education must meet the needs 
of the worker as well as the requirements of the employer. . . | 

Industrial education should be in every instance based upon 
a survey of the industries of the community—upon an accumula 
tion of facts regarding the employments in the community. 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 105 


Upon such a basis the public schools may properly proceed to 
provide for the particular industrial needs of the community and 
with such an accumulation of data in hand there can be no 
excuse if industrial education does not prove to be of undoubted 
benefit to labor and to the community.——From address before 
National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, 
Richmond, Va., December 10, 1914. 


The organized labor movement realizes that education is not 
an arbitrary thing that automatically ends with a certain year 
of life, but that it must continue throughout life if the individual 
is really to live and make progress. Appreciation of this fact 
has resulted in the demand on the part of organized labor for 
wider use of the schools in order that fuller and better opportu- 
nities for learning, culture and sociability may be brought into 
the common life. They realize that education is an attitude 
toward life—an ability to see and understand problems and to 
utilize information and forces for the best solution of these prob- 
lems. New information and wider knowledge make possible the 
‘Maintenance of this attitude as long as life shall last. . . . 

The noblest mission of the schools is to teach the worth of a 
‘man or a woman, to teach the value of the individual and his 
life. This teaching must be supplemented with practical knowl- 
edge that enables each to realize his fullest possibilities. Educa- 
‘tion must be founded upon truths that break down insidious and 

“unjustified distinctions between the kinds of work by which in- 
dividuals express themselves. 
t An education that glorifies the creative ability of the individual 
a labor—is injecting a revolutionary idea into all our philoso- 
‘phy of life. Such a plan of education will bring into the spirit 
‘of our nation a force that will make for larger freedom, for 
‘greater progress and effectiveness. It will be in direct opposition 
‘to that education which promotes docility, submissiveness, con- 
fepanty. It will make possible for each to stamp his life work 
with all of the artistic imagery of which his nature is capable. 
\—From address before the National Educational Association, _ 
lWew Vork City, July 7, 1916. 


A serious national deficiency has been made conspicuous by 
\the draft. There are 700,000 men who can neither read nor 


106 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


write who are liable to military service. These men though 
liable to military service can not sign their own names, can not 
read orders daily posted on bulletin boards in the camps, can 
not read their Manual of Arms, can not read or write home 
letters, can not understand the signals or follow the Signal Corps 
in time of battle. 

These men in doing military service will be under serious 
handicap that may be dangerous to fellow-soldiers and the mili- 
tary undertaking. 

As a consequence of illiteracy, the man-power of the nation is 
only partly available when it is essential to have full power 
efficiency. 

Illiteracy is the greatest enemy of progress of an individual o 
nation. It results in ignorance and inability to appreciate a 
utilize opportunities; inability to make decisions—conditions that 
are incompatible with democracy. 

War needs focus attention upon the draft illiterates, but i 
addition to these there is a national civil problem amazing to 
majority of our citizens. . .. 

The whole problem of progress is fundamentally educational 
in character. The problems of to-day and the future will tas 
the ability of our citizens even though equipped with the best 
education which our schools can afford. Within our Republi¢ 
every individual should possess the rudiments of education witl 
which he can train himself to a higher education, if denied other 
opportunities and assistance. To withhold opportunity for edu- 
cation for the least among our people is a crime committed 
against our Republic—American Federationist, May, 1918. 


The industrial education which is being fostered and developed 
should have for its purpose not so mush training for efficiency 
in industry as training for life in an industrial society. A full 
understanding must be had of those principles and activities that 
are the foundation of all productive efforts. Children should not 
only become familiar with tools and materials, but they shoule 


control, of force and matter underlying our industrial relations 
_and sciences. The danger that certain commercial and industr. al 
interests may dominate the character of education must be 
averted by insisting that the workers shall have equal representa- 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 107 


tion on all boards of education or committees having control over 
vocational studies and training. 

To elevate and advance the interests of the teaching profession 
and to promote popular and democratic education, the right of 
the teachers to organize and to affiliate with the movement of 
the organized workers must be recognized.—From Annual Report 
to A. F. of L. Convention, Atlantic City, N. J., June, 1919. 


WOMAN SUFFRAGE 


The petition to Congress in favor of submitting an amendment 
to the Constitution of the United States to the several States 
for ratification, granting the right of suffrage to women, was 
printed and circulated. It affords me pleasure to say that the 
petition was signed by more than two hundrec and seventy thou- 
sand organized workmen, and placed in the hands of the com- 
mittee having that subject specially in charge. 

It is not vain to hope that the time is not far distant when 
women, who are amenable to the laws of our country and States, 
shall ee the right of a voice in framing them equal to their 
brothers.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Bir- ~ 
mingham, Ala., December, 1891. 


_ The increasingly widening functions of the government make 
legislative and administrative problems of increasing concern to 
women—working women and the wives and daughters of work- 
ing men. The organization of markets, food prices, pure food 
laws, municipal sanitation, building regulations, school laws, child 
labor laws, and an almost endless list, bring politics very close 
into the common life. These things should and do concern 
omen very vitally. For that reason women should participate 
im their consideration and determination directly—From press 
statement, September, 1914. 
| 
| women feel most keenly the necessity for the right 
of franchise. Women can not have equal power with men in~ 
he industrial struggle while they are classified with idiots and 
itresponsibles in political affairs. The ballot and political influ- 
nce give power and opportunity. If opportunity and power are 
aod those individuals are thereby hampered in all 


108 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


activities. The ballot will bring power because it would bring 
full citizenship. . . 

They [women] know that the use of the ballot will not solv 
industrial problems. The right to use the ballot increases th 
power and the resourcefulness of voters whether they be men o 
women, and thereby puts them in such position that they ar 
better able to work out their industrial problems. The right t 
vote does not mean that women will necessarily have work 
Equal suffrage does not necessarily mean equal pay for equa 
work. These industrial problems women will work out only whe 
through organization they have industrial power and influenc 
that will enable them to secure higher wages, shorter hours an 
better working conditions. The relations between suffrage an 
industrial betterment must not be confused. It is a matter a 
justice that there should be equal pay for equal work. The balle 
will help but will not necessarily bring this about. It will resul 
only from the intelligent self-interested activity on the part ¢ 
the women. 

But women must have the ballot—they are going to have th 
ballot because they are human beings and members of organize 
society equal in intelligence, rights and desires with men.—Pre, 
statement, August, 1915. 


FREE SPEECH AND PUBLIC ASSEMBLY 


Within the past few years there has been a direct purpose a 
what appears to be a tacit understanding among the authorities 
of our several States and municipalities to violate one of the 
fundamental principles and rights guaranteed to the people. The 
right of free assemblage and free speech has been won at the 
sacrifice of thousands of lives and of fortunes untold. Yet the 
right of free speech and free assemblage is as much in question 
to-day as it was centuries ago. 

We may have little if any sympathy with the expressions of 
those who are opposed to our system of government, or we may 
be their outspoken antagonists, but we should at all times maiit 
tain the constitutional rights of the people, of free speech and 
free assemblage. It requires but a stretch of authority to inter 
fere and break up the meetings of our unions{as was recently the 
“ case with the Painters’ Union of Chicago, and still others re 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 109 


sorted to us—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
Birmingham, Ala., December, 1891. 


_ Grant for even a moment that the courts have a right by 
njunction to enjoin from publishing, and what will be the logical 
esult? It will come to pass, as one already said, the press can 
10t expose political corruption because it hurts some “boss.” It 
‘an not criticize an hostile or indifferent administration because 
he Chief Executive would be annoyed. The Congressional Record 
nay be censored because some Senator or Representative has the 
sourage to uncover the lawlessness of powerful wrongdoers. Even 
he President’s message may be interdicted. The press will not 
lare to expose the horrors of child labor and the exploitation of 
ielpless women workers. 

_ Forbid us to state any ove unpleasant truth and the way is 
pened to go the whole limit of press censorship and prohibition. 
\s we Said in our statements to the judge, “the freedom of the 
iress was given mot that we might say the pleasant things, but 
hat we might say the things which are unpleasant that we might 
Titicize the wrong; that we might call attention to truths as yet 
mrecognized; that even if we might do a wrong we would better 
ave the right and be subject to punishment than that the free- 
‘om to print and speak should be denied. The injunction denies 
advance the right to speak or print. It puts an absolute cen- 
orship on press and speech.—From editorial in American Fede- 

tonist, February, 1909, on Justice Wright’s Decision. 


. Riotous, purposeless, uproarious agitation does more harm 
an good, it makes society more unified against the demands 
f the workers. Free speech and free assemblage are rights that 
e fundamental in securing redress of grievances—yet the exer- 
se of these rights will be hedged about by more restrictions 
cause of the vain excesses of the “Industrial Workers of the 
orld.” Those who oppress the working people have nothing 
lose by outbreaks of violence and wild talk, because these 
ings only prejudice the public, the workers included, against 
I proposals, good and bad alike. It leaves the workers helpless, 
ith hope dispelled and confidence in themselves and each other 
estroyed.—A merican Federationist, April, ror4. 


TIO LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


CONVICT LABOR AND PRISON REFORM 


The chief argument of those who exploit the labor of convic 
under the contract system and those who defend the exploite 
—for profit to themselves—has been that the convict must b 
employed during incarceration. This cry, as old as the contrac 
system of convict labor itself, is hypocritical and sophistical 
The use of it by profit mongers is an endeavor to place labor ij 
a false position and to cover their own heartlessness and perfidy 

Certainly no thoughtful, humane person, and most assuredl 
no trade unionist, wants the inmates of our prisons to remail 
idle. Every one is in agreement that they should be employed 
No labor representative has privately suggested or publicly 
pressed a desire to keep these offenders against society in idlene: 

Impositions upon the credulity of the people have always bee 
inspired by the grasping prison-labor contractor and his hife 
lings. And the sole plea of those who fatten upon the misery 
and shortcomings of the unfortunates, and those who have suc 
cessfully thrived upon the cupidity of State legislators, is @ 
imposition. L 

The convict contract labor system is a curse to the convict 
the State, the prison officials, the fair employer, the short-sighte 
merchant, and the honest toiler for wages. y 

The contract system of prison labor is inhuman, dishonest, an 


century and a blot upon our boasted civilization. It is de ep 
tively presented to the representatives of a State as a device tha 
will procure ample revenue to reimburse the State for the expens 
of caring for the convicts, allow the convicts to “earn somethin 
for themselves,” and of late a more specious but not less tran 
parent claim is made that the “poor convict” is being taught 
trade so that when he is released he can procure honorable em 
ployment at good wages. . 

Not one of these statements can be successfully maintained 
They fall of their own weight when analyzed. In the first place 
the largest part of the profit of the labor of the prisoners unde 
the contract system does not go to defray his expenses to tt 
State. It does not go to the convict himself. It goes to th 
third party, the contractor who has no interest whatever, eithe 
in the welfare of the convict or the interest of the State, othe 


| LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES III 
aan to add to his swollen profits from the misfortunes of the 
timinal. Consequently, no reformation results. The prisoners 
te not deceived. They know they are robbed. They become 
ardened and learn to hate society for the crime society permits 
) be practiced upon them under the name of—law. 

ET. he contract system furnishes revenue to the State,” say the 
tison labor contractors and their apologists. Your attention is 
illed to what Mr. Scates confessed at the last hearings before 
1e House Committee on Labor. Said he: 

“T speak by the book. I had seven years’ experience in the Maryland 
enitentiary on the shoe contract. Maryland is one of the few con- 
act States which nets a profit from its prisoners....I know the 
‘ate made about $40,000 one year. . At that time the contractor 
vided with ‘his partners. One got $5,000, another $10,000, another 
5,000, and he took $65,000 as his own profit from the Maryland Peni- 
tiary.” 


The State got $40,000 and the contractors $95,000. The con- 
actors got over 70 per cent. of the total, nearly two and one- 
uf times as much as the State obtained from the labor of its 
a 

‘Mr. Floyd, a member of the committee, testified that in his 
cate (Arkansas) the contractors pay the State 50 cents per 
‘isoner per day and then hire them out to the railroads and on 
\e public works of the State for $1.75 per day. Could any 
ae be more venal or more stupid? 

The suggestion that men are taught trades in prison under the 
mtract system is ridiculous. They learn how to make shirts 
id overalls, which is women’s employment. They make hollow- 
re which is now a prison monopoly. They make chairs, and 


so doing have driven fair employers and honest wage-workers 
that industry out of business. “Your prisons,” recently said 
1 eminent English penologist, who, visiting the United States 
connection with the International Prison Congress, had con- 
uded a tour of investigation, “are not reformatories. They are 
ictories.” 
'This transparent fraud must be abolished. Convicts must be 
ployed by the State direct on its own account and not on 
count of the contractor. The state may derive economic, but 
must secure social advantage from the labor of the convict. 
€ first consideration must be the welfare of, and the influence 
on, the prisoners during incarceration and after their release; 


112 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the second, consideration of the free, honest citizen workm 
and third, the interest of the State as a financial and polit 
entity. 
Prisoners should be employed at useful and practical proc 
tive toil. The labor of the States’ unfortunates and dere 
should never be exploited for profit and certainly never for 
private profit of contractors. Let our States employ their 
oners in the production of the necessaries of life, for the mait 
nance of themselves and the inmates of the other State eleeme 
nary institutions, or else road building. 
The police power of a State undoubtedly extends without qi 
tion to all laws regulating the health, the morals, and the gen 
peace, comfort, and safety of the community, and is bro; 
construed to include all laws that promote the general we 
In no essential can the general welfare of the State be be 
protected than for the Congress to assure each State of its n 
of home rule within the confines of the State, so that no 
should become without its will the ¢umping ground for g 
made by convicts of other States. The enactment of H. 
12000, now before Congress, would give the legislatures of t 
States the right and power to protect their own citizens from 
unfair competition of the contract convict labor of those Stai 
which care more for the profits of their prison labor contract 
than for their prisoners, and whose only success is the dumpi 
of the products of that labor on other States. Such a law wo 
destroy the arrogant boastfulness of some prison officials, ¥ 
declare that they can sell their goods against the will and des 
of the people of the State in which they dump their un 
products.—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
Louis, Mo., November, roro. 


In the April and July, 1910, issues of the American Feder 
tionist we stated our difference with the findings of Mr. Sto 
in the Outlook relative to contract convict labor and its resu 
in the Maryland Penitentiary at Baltimore and in the Weste 
Penitentiary of Pennsylvania. We were obliged, to our reg 
to protest energetically against some of Mr. Stowe’s statemen 
Later, we were constrained to return to the subject, and, 
by our feelings regarding it, handled it without gloves. 1 
trustees of the Maryland Penitentiary, coming to the rescue 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 113 


_ warden, denied the truth of certain of the facts we had pub- 
hed regarding him. In this up-hill fight to get at the truth of 
e matter, we admit we were deeply vexed, for, if investigators 
m not agree upon what are the conditions to be dealt with, 
lat move in any direction can be expected of the public? But 
w, a distinct advance in reaching a clear view of the hereto- 
re disputed facts is made through the declaration by Mr. Stowe 
at he was deceived. Here is his letter: 


¢ DEAR Mr. GomPERs: 
n view of our debate on this subject, I am sending you the enclosed 
yy Of my confession of error. 
find on further knowledge of the subject that you were entirely 
ht as to the pernicious effects of prison contract labor in the Mary- 
d Penitentiary, as well as everywhere else. I understand there is 
effort now being made to abolish the system in Maryland which I 
youtly hope may be successful. I have requested the Baltimore Sun 
reprint this letter so that I may make all amends possible for circu- 
ing the erroneous statements which I then believed to be true. 

Respectfully yours, 

LyMAN BEECHER STOWE. 

3 Washington Square, New York, Jan. 29, 1912. 


We at once sent to Mr. Stowe the following reply: 


WASHINGTON, January 31, 1912. 
. LYMAN BEECHER STOWE, 
Washington Square, 
New York City. 
Dear Mr. Stowe: 
is with much pleasure that I read your letter of January 29 and 
straightforward, honest acknowledgment of your former erro- 
tis judgment regarding the system and the effect of the contract 
wict labor system as it obtains in Maryland Penitentiary and as 
rds the system itself. It is extremely gratifying that we shall all 
have your codperation in the effort to abolish the iniquity of the 
vict labor contract system and the inauguration of the system of 
loying convicts in the production of such things as are necessary 
the prisons, reformatories, and eleemosynary institutions of the 
te. Ishall be glad to publish your letter in the next issue of the 
rican Federationist. 
. Yours very truly, 
. SAMUEL GOMPERS, 
President, American Federation of Labor. 


—American Federationist, March, rg12. 


ison reform has not been a mere theory with the workers, 
it has been a part of the problems of food, clothing, and 
@ rent. What organized labor has been fehtine in prisons 
contract prison labor system. Perhaps you know that 


T14 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


under that system the labor power of imprisoned people is s¢ 
to some manufacturer who pays the State less than the value 
the labor and in addition has the advantage of free factory rel 
free supervision of work, and a steady supply of workers. Une 
the lease system the convicts become the property or slaves 
the manufacturer. The convicts receive no wages and are usual 
forced to toil long hours and at an inhuman speed secured | 
speeding-up devices. q 
There are terrible stories told of prison conditions under f 
contract and lease systems of unspeakable brutality in fore 
prisoners to work. Such conditions kill the manhood and 
self-respect of those placed there for reformative purposes. T 
harden hearts and consciences. They make social outlaws. Y 
the editor of Harper’s Weekly, do you know how it feels to kn 
that your labor power has been sold to some grinding ta 
master, who wishes to wring from you that which will add 
his profits with never a thought of what happens to your body 
soul? Do you, safe in your editorial haven, know how it fe 
to strain nerves and muscles in physical toil until your very be 
are weary, your mind a blank, and your heart a dull, grindi 
ache of misery? Do you know how it feels to be looked ip 
as a thing, to be bought and sold, to be used at the will of t 
owner? Do you know that sense of unfreedom that leaves 
indelible scar on the soul of man that makes it impossible { 
him ever to forgive society for heartlessly, greedily killing t 
best that is in him in order to give profits to some other mai 
If you know these things, in the name of humanity how ¢ 
you, how dare you, uphold the contract prison labor syster 
Can you not see that men are infinitely more precious than me 
profits? Can not the degradation of human life persuade y 
that profits reeking with dead hopes and mangled humanity a 
of no avail to civilization? 4 
Contracts have been made which provided for the product 
of 450 dozen shirts a day, at 30 cents a dozen, or for labor 
55 cents a day. These are illustrative of innumerable other 
tracts. With such prices for convict labor, manufacturers W 
employed free labor were hopelessly unable to compete. As 
consequence, free workers were thrown out of emplo 
They and their families have suffered hunger and all manner 
privation because of the contract labor system. Free compet 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES II5 


convict-made articles with the products of free labor does not 
sult in increasing the number of commodities furnished to the 
mmunity, because, protected and favored by special conditions 
d privileges, it has forced fair firms out of fields of production. 
We workers have been very close to the problem of earning our 
ily bread in the sweat of our brows, and we have found the 
ntract prison labor system a menace to free labor and to con- 
sts. Accordingly, we have used every power at our disposal 
have this system abolished. . . . 

Nor has the prison policy of the trade unions stopped with 
position to the contract prison labor system. We have advo- 
ted that prisons and reformatories should be real reformatory 
stitutions—institutions to foster the sacred human individ- 
lity, to develop the best instincts that are in those shut off 
ym ordinary intercourse with fellow-men, and to give them 
me kind of wholesome employment that would enable them to 
wk into some better self. We have maintained that those in 
ison should work and should be paid for that work, that they 
ould be given every freedom compatible with the purpose for 
lich they are made to live apart, and meanwhile should be 
feguarded from exploitation. In the official journal of the 
nerican Federation of Labor for February, 1913, was published 
|address by Governor Oswald West of Oregon, describing his 
sthods for providing such work for prisoners as would awaken 
eir social instincts. 

It is most obviously untrue to state that organized labor desires 
at “many thousands of able-bodied men ought to be supported 
prison in idleness, instead of laboring to increase the number 
commodities furnished to the community.” We wish the men 
der prison sentence to be employed in such a way that they 
all be benefited and not harmed, and so that the products of 
eir labor can not constitute a menace to free labor—From 
en letter to Norman Hapgood, Editor of Harpers Weekly, 
ek 14, 1914. 


HEALTH AND SANITATION 


e San Francisco convention of the American Federation of 
adopted the following: 
‘Whereas the ravages of tuberculosis have made frightful 


116 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


progress in this country, and especially among the working cle 
be it 
“Resolved, By this twenty-fourth annual convention of 
American Federation of Labor, that the necessary ways, mea 
and steps be at once instituted to check tuberculosis, and, 
possible, entirely eradicate the same.” 
Acting upon this declaration, immediate efforts were made 
secure every possible information upon the subject. I co 
sponded with expert medical practitioners and representat 
of associations instituted to combat and eradicate this aw 
plague, for the purpose of obtaining the fullest information w 
this subject. I also made personal visits to some sanitari 
with a view of examining into the practicability of such insti 
tions and the results achieved or achievable by them. It 
source of gratification to be enabled to say that more thal 
cordial codperation and a desire to still further codperation ai 
assistance were manifested by all with whom correspondence ai 
conference have been had. 
Arrangements were made by which two representatives of # 
Committee on the Prevention of Tuberculosis of the Cha 
Organization Society of New York City appeared before @ 
Executive Council members at their Scranton meeting, and # 
entire subject-matter was fully discussed. An invitation Ww. 
extended to that association to have a delegation of three appe 
before and address this convention upon the subject. If pra 
ticable or deemed advisable the entire subject-matter should] 
referred to a special or one of the regular committees of the ¢0 
vention, for the purpose of further consideration and for f 
formulation of a report to be submitted to you for proper d 
position. It is recommended that you at once designate a tit 
for this delegation to address you, which, by agreement, ¥ 
occupy one hour. 
Experiments are being made in various parts of the country 
test at once whether tuberculosis (consumption) can be sucte 
fully fought by open air treatment, whether it can be done wi 
comparatively small outlay, and whether this aid can be admin 
tered without subjecting the recipient to the humiliation of fe 
ing that he is a pauper. The humane, economical and ethi 
reasons for attempting to solve these questions are surely pot 
enough to call forth the greatest efforts. ) 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 117 


In the first place, the white plague, enervating as it does so 
irge a number, and dooming hundreds of thousands to an early 
rave, must arouse us and our fellows to action to combat its 
oread, and to endeavor to prevent its infection. This subject to 
s is of the utmost importance; this terrible disease though 
jlossal in its proportions, which has destroyed and is destroying 
ie lives of thousands upon thousands of our fellow workmen, 
omes like the thief in the night, steals away our health and 
itality, rendering us an easy and early prey to its poison touch. 
articularly is this true of our wage-earners who, under modern 
idustrial conditions, often work long hours in unsanitary work- 
j0ps and live in unsanitary homes, and because of their meagre 
irnings, can not secure for themselves and those dependent upon 
7em the requisite nourishing foods so necessary as a barrier 
vainst this awful disease. No wonder that overworked men and 
omen, their children and themselves underfed, fall an easy prey 
) this terrible plague. 

The most expert specialists who have considered this subject 
ave declared that the main causes for the propagation of con- 
imption and the difficulty of its cure lie in the “overcrowding 
f the working classes”; that action of all associated effort, 
icluding legislation, should make for the enforcement of a larger 
inimum per capita air space in workshops, living rooms, schools 
re halls, and that these would lay the ground-work for better 

itation, ventilation, and sunlight for the prevention of 
iberculosis. 
‘We who may be free from that dread disease, and who have 
ot had the awful experience of having some one near and dear 
) us torn from our sides by the ravages of tuberculosis, may 
ssibly feel an indifference or a secondary interest in this sub- 
ct; but if we are mindful at all of our own health and the 
yes or those of our fellows we must have a clear conception of 
ir duty and take every action within our power to effect its 
adication; otherwise, lest by our indifference or neglect, it 
ove a scourge devastating in character and scope. 
It has been clearly proven that sanitariums located at great 
tances from the homes of sufferers are impractical, inadequate, 
d unsatisfactory. Open air or tent life in locations near to 
ere sufferers live has been found to be adequate, economic, 
ad advantageous. 


118 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


It is gratifying to find expert testimony justifying the lab 
movement in its demands for a shorter workday and leist 
(relaxation from labor); higher wages to supply man’s wants f 
better and more nourishing food; better sanitation of facte 
and workshop, and more air space in which to work and 
—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Pittsburg 
Pa., November, 1905. 


Of late years, our attitude toward physical well-being has b 
come saner and more constructive. We have begun to app 
ciate the fact that our problem is to maintain health rather th 
to cure disease, to prevent physical defects rather than rem 
those that have already happened. We have been making 
attack upon this problem of physical health through our publ 
school system and through demands for industrial hygiene ar 
sanitation, but as yet our efforts are only beginnings. We @ 
working toward an ideal that will give every individual inform: 
tion that will enable him to live intelligently and in accord wi 
the rules of health. : 

In the past, we have not been forced by either environment ¢ 
by conditions to think out a plan for physical training. We haj 
trusted much to the rugged physiques, muscles and nerves traine 
and under control and ability to codrdinate powers quickly” 
meet emergencies which belong to the outdoor life of a pione 
people. Life on the frontier developed physical strength ai 
virile manhood. Mental and physical weakness could not su 
vive in the dangers of that life. But the frontier has vani 


show in their physical development the effect of the restrict 
life of the city. They have not the physical strength or endt 


readily available to all, some definite national policy m ' 
devised for physical training and physical preparedness of 
citizens. Such a training is properly a part of educational we 
and, therefore, should be under the control and direction” 
public agencies, and can be readily given through our pub 
school system and other auxiliary agencies. £ 

Physical development and good health have a very vital mez 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 119 


g in the life and the working ability of each individual as well 

of the whole nation. They are just as necessary to the best 
dustrial development of the country as they are to prepared- 
ss for defense. These are the basis for all development. But 
* must be on guard that physical training shall not be subordi- 
ited to the interests of any one special phase of national life. 
must be in furtherance of a broad general plan of usefulness. 
iysical training that is narrowly specialized or dominated by 
ly isolated ideal, whether it be militarism or anything else, is 
byersive to the broadest and largest development of the nation 
id its people—American Federationist, March, 1916. 


Is it wise to open up opportunities for government agents to 
terfere lawfully with the privacy of the lives of wage-earners? 
Would such authority be tolerated by employers, by profes- 
ynal men or those directing our financial, industrial and com- 
ercial institutions? 
Is it not a better way to undertake the problem of assuring 
workers health by providing them with the information and 
e education that will enable them to take intelligent care of 
emselves and assuring to them such conditions of work and 
mdards of wages as will enable them to give their information 
ity in directing and managing their own lives? 
Should the individual worker not be able to accomplish all 
sirable results, is it not better for him to augment his own 
orts by voluntary associate effort, codperating with his 
ends and fellow-workers? 
tade organizations are not unmindful of the health problem; 
fact, they have done more to secure conditions of sanitation 
places of work and to enable workers to have decent healthful 
mes than any other agency. As the information of the workers 
preases, they give more thought to problems of health and 
Littion. 2 re 

e workers of America adhere to voluntary institutions in 
ference to compulsory systems which are held to be not only 
ractical but a menace to their rights, welfare and liberty. 
alth insurance legislation affects wage-earners directly. Com- 
sory institutions will make changes not only in relations of 
k but in their private lives, particularly a compulsory system 
ecting health, for good health is not concerned merely with 


120 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


time and conditions under which work is performed. It is af 
fected by home conditions, social relations and all of those thing 
that go to make up the happiness or the desolation of life. 

To delegate to the government or to employers the right a 
the power to make compulsory visitations under the guise ¢ 
health conditions of the workers is to permit those agencies t& 
have a right to interfere in the most private matters of life. TI 
is, indeed, a very grave issue for workers. They are justified ir 
demanding that every other voluntary method be given 
fullest opportunity before compulsory methods are even cor 
sidered, much less adopted.—A merican Federationist, April, 191k 


There ought to be assured to every boy and girl adequate 
opportunity for physical and mental development. This is the 
cornerstone of national preparedness whether for peace or war. 

Undernourished men and women, with bodies poisoned by 
fatigue, living in conditions deadening to incentive, are a terrible 
handicap to a nation preparing for a supreme effort requiri 
endurance and resourcefulness. The emergencies of war have 
emphasized what was overlooked in times of peace. 

English papers publish evidences of the awful legacy of 
industrial exploitation. Recruits from factories, shops, habitu- 
ated to grinding tasks and under conditions physically dele 
terious, did not have the physique and the endurance nec 
to marching or field work. It is stated that battalions of La 
cashire recruits had to be kept in the open air and fed proper 
before ready for service. After some months of open air 
cise and adequate food, the uniforms issued to these r 
upon enlistment were exchanged for larger sizes. 

Similar experiences have been recorded for Porto Rico, wher! 
the majority are undernourished. Those who joined the Unite 
States Army and were given regular exercise, clean living qua 
ters with regular, nourishing meals, increased in height on | 
average of one and a half inches and proportionately in chest 
muscular expansion. 

Is it not an indictment of civilization and national ideals 
adequate opportunity for physical development is generally » 
be found only in the military? We profess to hold in 
esteem the arts of peace, and yet we permit those necessary 
those arts to be dwarfed and warped in minds and bodies. . 


aH 


BES 


Ee EF Bs 


PDs ams 


LABOR’S STAND ON PUBLIC ISSUES 121 


Through the public schools each boy and girl should receive 
physical training and should be taught physiology and the funda- 
mentals necessary for good health. For students and for all, 
there should be provided by school and local government 
authorities opportunities for outdoor exercises and life so that 
every girl and boy, man and woman, could take care of himself 
or herself in the open. 

Until we are able to keep children in school longer than is now 
compulsory and to enforce school attendance more strictly, 
physical training through schools alone will be inadequate. It 
devolves upon the local government to afford ample opportunities 
for all and to see to it that all have time to avail themselves of 
existing agencies and facilities—-American Federationist, Janu- 


ary, 1917. 


CONSERVATION OF RESOURCES 


For the present, the reclamation of public lands in arid regions, 
reforestization, development of waterways, the preservation of 
mineral beds, and the extension of natural reservations, form the 
groundwork of one of the most important of all the constructive 
features of the national life. It is a matter of profound interest 
and gratification to the American people that the convention of 
overnors of States, the forestry, irrigation, and waterway engi- 
neering experts and others who have given the public weal their 
study was called together by the Chief Executive of the nation. 
These eminent citizens are gathered in obedience to a call, 
the inspiration of which strike the key-note of the nation’s fae 
policy in the field of civic betterment. It is the extension of the 
ew school of political economy. It is in the nature of the great 
oP that underlies the brotherhood of man. No more 
noble incentive to that end can be imagined than is to be found 
in the impulse that prompts wise and far-seeing statesmanship 
o build and preserve for the future. Happily, too, this conven- 
tion will act as a check on the marauding instinct so flagrantly 
xercised in the exploitation of the nation’s natural resources by 
en whose actions have hitherto been sanctioned by law. In 
espect of waste and extravagance in the economic sense, these 
arauders have placed the American Republic in a situation 
paralleled in economic conservation among the nations. In 


122 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


one item alone, that of fuel, it is figured out by one of the expe 
attendant upon this convenient that 200,000,000 tons of coal ¢ 
wasted every year in the mining processes ae the nation, whi 
is equal to $200,000,000, every ton of coal being worth a doll 
at the mines. Add to this the colossal waste in the exploitati 
of timber lands, water power, and the like, and we have 
faint conception of the load our economic energies 
Carrying.) /.°\. 

Grand indeed is the vista that looms up in the developme 
of ideas and measures here considered. It will require a gener 
tion to work out measures here adopted. We are going beneai 
the harrow that has thus far scratched over our vast domai 
Here we have a continent comprising nearly a score of millio 


is: “What are you going to do with it? How are you going’ 


oy 


hand it down to your children and your children’s chida I 


types now fostered and proclaimed in a vulgar millionairism wi 
alliances amongst the moral and intellectual perverts of foreig 
aristocracy, or shall it be in the spirit of that rugged, forcef 
and intelligent manhood and womanhood that breeds and foste 
the aristocracy of heart and mind as seen in the outworkings | 
American idealism as well as economic energy?” .. . { 

When there shall come to our people a better understandit 
of the husbanding of our natural resources, the readjustment | 
economic conditions will not leave out of the equation the mr 
and women of labor who are so essential to our industrial, cor 
mercial, political and social welfare; the men and women wW. 
perform so great a service to society.—American Federations 
July, 1908. 4 


V 


POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED 
LABOR 


I am keenly alive to the fact, and it is patent to all observers, 
that there are many ills from which the working people of our 
country suffer. Laws that are passed frequently are of a dis- 
criminating character against those who possess nothing but their 
power to labor. It seems to me that the trades unions, apart 
from their work of attending to the matters of wages, hours of 
labor, and unjust conditions of that labor, should extend their 
thoughts and actions more largely into the sphere and affairs of 
government. We have a right to demand legislation in the 
interest of the wage-workers, who form so large a majority and 
are certainly no unimportant factor to the well-being of our 
country. The platitudes of our statesmen are hardly sufficient 
to lull us into a fancied happiness when we feel the real griev- 

ices we bear, and are conscious of the wrongs heaped upon us. 
—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Baltimore, 
Md., December, 1887. 


| Many delegates may feel the desirability of forming a third, 
xe what is known as an independent, political party; ann in view 
f recent experience I can only say that such action, for the 
bresent at least, would be in the extreme unwise. Tf we are 
jealous and earnest and desire the enforcement of the eight-hour 
workday, it will require all we can possibly do to muster our 
forts and concentrate our power upon its attainment. The 
‘xperiences of the past have taught that we may and can obtain 
reat practical results, both political as well as economical, by 
reating a healthy public opinion if we devote ourselves ener- 
jetically to our organization, the development and maintenance 
if our trade unions—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Con- 
\ention, St. Louis, Mo., December, 1888. 
! 123 


| 
: 


1 


124 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Our affiliated unions are guaranteed autonomy and indepen- 
dence. If they deem independent political action advisable, or 
if they desire to take political action by which to pledge candi- 
dates for public offices, to stand by the advocates of labor mea 
ures and reward them, or to punish at the polls those who are 
inimical to their interests, these are matters entirely relegated to 
each organization, without dictation or hindrance. : 

What the convention declared was, that a political party, as a 
party, known by any name, has no right to representation in thi 
trade union councils. That position is in line with the polic 
of the labor movement. It is recognized the world over in i 
trade union movement. It is recognized by a large majority of 
the political party which forced this question to an issue, aa 
advocated by only a very few, who desire to make the trade 
unions the tail to their political kite. } 

At the last convention I took the ground that the trade unions 
were broad enough and liberal enough to admit of all shades of 
thought upon the economic, political and social questions. I 
reiterate that statement, and accentuate it with whatever force 
or ability may be at my command, and repeat, that good stand- 
ing membership in a trade union is the first qualification to a 
voice in the councils of the trade union movement.—From Annual 
Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Birmingham, Ala., December 
14-19, 1891. - 


At the last convention a program was submitted to our af- 
filiated organizations for discussion, to be reported upon at this 
convention. In connection with this matter it is but proper to 
say that the submission of this program to our organizations 
was largely accepted by the membership as an indorsement of it 
by the Federation. . 

A number of the demands contained in that program have 
been promulgated in almost every trade union throughout the 
world, but deftly dove-tailed and almost hidden there is one 
declaration which is not only controversial, but decidedly theo- 
retical, and which even if founded upon economic truth, is not 
demonstrable, and so remote as to place ourselves and our move 
ment in an unenviable light before our fellow-workers. If out 
organization is committed to it, it will unquestionably prevent 


THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 125 


many sterling national trade unions from joining our ranks to do 
battle with us to attain first things first. 

It is ridiculous to imagine that the wage-workers can be slaves 
in employment and yet achieve control at the polls. There 
never yet existed co-incident with each other autocracy in the 
shop and democracy in political life. In truth, we have not yet 
achieved the initial step to the control of public affairs by even 
a formal recognition of our unions. Nor does the preamble to 
the program outline the condition of the labor movement of 
Great Britain accurately. In that country the organized wage- 
workers avail themselves of every legal and practical means to 
obtain the legislation they demand. They endeavor to defeat 
those who oppose and elect those who support, legislation in the 
interest of labor, and whenever opportunity affords elect a bona 
fide union man to Parliament and other public offices. The Par- 
liamentary Committee of the British Trades Union Congress is 
a labor committee to lobby for labor legislation. This course the 
organized workers of America may with advantage follow, since 
it is based upon experience and fraught with good results. 

He would indeed be shortsighted who would fail to advocate 
independent voting and political action by union workmen. We 
should endeavor to do all that we possibly can to wean our 
fellow-workers from their affiliation with the dominant political 
parties, as one of the first steps necessary to insure that wage- 
workers vote in favor of wage-workers’ interests, wage-workers’ 
questions, and for union wage-workers as representatives. 

During the past year the trade unions in many localities 
plunged into the political arena by nominating their candidates 
‘for public office, and sad as it may be to record, it is nevertheless 
true, that in each one of these localities politically they were 
‘defeated and the trade union movement more or less divided and 
disrupted. 

_ What the results would be if such a movement were inaugu- 
‘rated under the auspices of the American Federation of Labor, 
linvolving it and all our affiliated organizations, is too portentous 
for contemplation. I need only refer you to the fact that the 
National Labor Union, the predecessor of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, entered the so-called independent political arena 
‘in 1872 and beatisated its candidate for the presidency of the 
United States. It is equally true that the National Labor Union 


| 


t 


i 


126 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


never held a convention after that event. The disorganize 
condition of labor, with its tales of misery, deprivation and de 
moralization, from that year until the reorganization of th 
workers about 1880, must be too vivid in the minds of those wh 
were trade unionists then and are trade unionists now to need 
recounting by me. . 

In view of our own experience, as well as the experience of 
our British fellow unionists, I submit to you whether it would 
be wise to steer our ship of labor safe from that channel whose 
waters are strewn with shattered hopes and unions destroyed, 

Before we can hope as a general organization to take the field 
by nominating candidates for office, the workers must be more 
thoroughly organized and better results achieved by experiments 
locally. A political labor movement cannot and will not succeed 
upon the ruins of the trade unions——From Annual Report to A. 
F. of L. Convention, Denver, December, 1894. | 


Beyond doubt few, if any, will contend that the workers should 
refuse to avail themselves of their political rights or fail to 
endeavor to secure such demands which they make by the exer 
cise of their political power. The fact is, however, that our move- 
ment distinctly draws the line between political action in the 
interest of labor and party political action. This was more par- 
ticularly emphasized at the last convention when it was declé 
as the settled policy of the American trade-union movement tha 
party political action of whatsoever kind shall have no place in 
the convention of the American Federation of Labor. ... ~ 

There is, too, an entirely erroneous impression regarding trade 
union activity and its influences. It is often imagined and as 
serted that political action exists exclusively at the ballot box, 
Nothing can be further from the fact than this. There is not 
an action which the unions can take, whether it be an increase 
of wages, an hour more leisure secured for the toilers, a factory 
rule modified, or even any other condition changed and improved; 
without it being at the same time a political act, having its 
political effect and its political influence. , 

In the same degree that the workers master a greater influent 
in the conditions and regulations under which they are employed 
will their associated voices be heard and heeded in the halls ol 
legislation; their will will be the will of the people, the will 


THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 124 


‘the nation. Of the importance of organization, better organiza- 


tion, more thorough organization, so that our will may be en- 
forced in all lines of labor’s interests, let us never lose sight. 
—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Cincinnati, 
Ohio, December, 1896. 


Consider this question in a broader view. Do you know what 
has been done with the system of convict labor in the state of 
New York and in Pennsylvania, and what was done within the 


last few months in Ohio to solve that problem, and find work 


i 


| 


a ae ee 


for the prisoner, yet not have his labor come in competition with 
the labor of free men? Was that secured without political 
action? 

Don’t you remember that there was a question submitted to 
the people of the State of New York by referendum as to aboli- 
tion of the convict-labor system, or the state-account system, that 
it should not come in competition with free labor, and it was 
adopted by an overwhelming vote of the people? Who inaugu- 
rated that but the trade unionists of the State of New York? 
Was that political action? 

Who secured the constitutional convention which was held 


here in Albany, a little more than ten years ago, which adopted 
_ that principle as a constitutional provision? Who but the repre- 


sentatives of trade unions? Was that a political action, or not? 

The eight-hour law was put upon the statute books of the 
United States, first by the proclamation of President Grant, im 
1869. Who secured that but the representatives of the trade 
unions? I was 14 years of age at that time. Was that accom- 
plished without political action? 

Under the impulse given by the A. F. of L.’s officers, a new 
feature was interposed in this question of the eight-hour law, so 
that it should extend to the employees of contractors and sub- 
contractors. In the State of New York, in California, and in 
some other states that I do not now recall, that feature was 
enacted. In the State of New York, the court of appeals declared 


it unconstitutional but this will be overcome by this legis- 


Tature. . . 
There are some men who can never understand political action 
unless there is a party. As a matter of fact, there is no worse 


| party-ridden people in the whole world than are the people of 


128 | LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE : 


the United States. It is nothing but party, party, your party ant 
my party. It is the abomination of American politics. Met 
vote for their party regardless of what that party stand: 
fone.) { 

The trade unionists of New York State made a fight for thi 
bakers’ 10-hour law. It was declared unconstitutional, and | 
think that no law has been declared null and void with les 
justification than that one—I so expressed myself publicly at tht 
time—but it was so declared. But the bakers secured the 10 
hour workday. 

If labor is to wait until the millennium, if we are going t 
wait until labor elects a majority of the legislature and a gover 
nor and then a President of the United States, who shall appoin 
the justices of the Supreme Court. I am afraid we are going t 
wait a long time! Trade unionists don’t propose to wait st 
long to secure material improvement in their conditions. ” 
want and will have them now and in the near future. 

Trade unionists, by their political action, abolished slavery i 
Hawaii. It may be news to some of you, but it is true, and m 
one will deny it if you ask those who know. Hawaii would hav 
been annexed to the United States with slavery existing there, i 
it had not been for the representatives of the A. F. of L., wh 
insisted upon an amendment to the then pending bill for annexa 
tion, providing for abolition of slavery in Hawaii, and it wa 
accomplished. 

When Porto Rico was annexed to the United States the ol 
Spanish law prevailed, that any effort of two or more men 
secure an increase of wages was a conspiracy to raise the pric 
of labor. Through the action of the American trade unionist 
we secured its change. 

We have secured the lien laws, which guarantee a man hij 
wages when he has worked. 

The breaker boys, who work in the mines of Pennsylvanii 
were liberated through the miners’ strike, and the public cot 
science so shocked that one of the best child labor laws we hay 
was passed in Pennsylvania. Was that political action, or not 

The laws covering mining, safety of appliances, pumps, bu 
tressing the mines, the general safety of life and limb of th 
miners, the car-coupling law that protected the railroad ma 
from being smashed between the cars that he is trying to couple 


THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 129 


who secured that but labor, the trade unionists? Who secured 
the safety appliances in the mines, in factories and workshops? 
Who secured the blowers that are now used to carry off the dust 
from the polisher and the buffer in the machine shops? What 
ure these, all of them? Do you remember our fight here years 
go for the abolition of the tenement house work systems? ... 

In 1881, at the first convention of the A. F. of L., the first 
yeneral demand was made for the limitation and final exclusion 
yf Chinese immigration from our country. 

Over thirty years ago the trade unionists secured the estab- 
ishment of the Bureau of Labor Statistics in Massachusetts. It 
was the first bureau of the kind ever established in the world. 
At the request of the A. F. of L. the Department of Labor Sta- 
istics was established, and since then bureaus of labor statis- 
ics in the several states. 

It was at the demand of our Federation that the trade unionists 
n the several states took up the demand to secure inspectors of 
actories, shops, mills, mines and tenements. 

It was upon the demand of organized labor that the child labor 
aws have been placed upon the statute books of our several 
tates. 

It is our movement that is yet making the fight, assisted by 

thers, while some of those who have lately with gingerly fingers 
aken up this work deny that labor is serious and in earnest for 
he final and absolute abolition of child labor. 
_ It was our Federation that secured to the seaman, for the first 
ime in history, the right of ownership in himself; the right to 
juit his work when his vessel was in safe harbor. It is true that 
his right exists only for the seamen who are engaged in the 
American coastwise and in the trade of nearby foreign countries, 
4 it is nevertheless true that the sailors’ first dawn of freedom, 
f ownership in himself, was secured by the trade unionists of 
ur country. 

Who created on our shores the largest amount of agitation for 
uba Libre? You who work among Cubans in Spanish shops in 

is city and in Chicago and in San Francisco and in St. Louis, 
now to whom I refer; and isn’t it true that the representatives 
f our union were emphatic in their assistance in arousing the 
onscience of the American people that there should be free 
uba? It was a sympathetic strike, if anything ever was, that 


130 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


compelled the government of America to take action to see tha 
Cuba was freed. ... 

At Scranton the convention, in 1901, adopted the following 

“We assert it is the duty of all trade unions to publish in thei 
official journals, to discuss in their meetings, and the members to stud: 
in their homes, all questions of public nature, having reference to in 
dustrial or political liberty, and to give special consideration to sub 
jects directly affecting them as a class, but we as vigorously submi 
that it is not within the power of this organization to dictate to mem 
bers of our unions to which political party they shall belong or whicl 
party’s ticket they shall vote.” i 

Labor has never yet formed parties or undertaken to forn 
one but what the control has been wheedled out of their hand 
by a lot of faddists, theorists or self-seekers, and thus pervertec 
from its true labor interest and working-class characteristics 
This is true the whole world over, wherever that attempt has beet 
made.——From address before Cigar Makers’ Union No. 144, 0 
New York City, on the question, “Can Trade Unions Longe 
Keep Out of Politics?” April 27, 1906. 


Much interest has been aroused by reason of the presentatio1 
of Labor’s Bill of Grievances to President Roosevelt, Mr. Frye 
President pro tempore of the Senate, and Speaker Cannon. I 
has created no little stir among congressmen and senators ani 
other politicians. It will be remembered that the Bill of Labor’ 
Grievances presented to those responsible for legislation or fo 
the failure of legislation contained the following closin 
paragraphs: 


Labor brings these its grievances to your attention because you ar 
ne representatives responsible for legislation and for failure of legis 
ation. 

The toilers come to you as your fellow-citizens who, by reason a 
their position in life, have not only with all other citizens an equ 
interest in our country, but the further interest of being the burder 
bearers, the wage-earners of America. 

As labor’s representatives we ask you to redress these grievances, fc 
it is in your power so to do. 

Labor now appeals to you, and we trust that it may not be in vail 

But if perchance you may not heed us, we shall appeal to the cor 
science and the support of our fellow-citizens. . . . 


Pray! when has it become wrong to request or to demand fro 
congressmen that they afford relief to those who feel. burdene 
or to ask for redress from wrongful legislation or’ ~unjus 
conditions? 


HE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 131 


How, under our form of government, with the sovereign right 
f franchise in the hands of the working people alike with all 
ther people, is it either improper or unjustifiable for the toilers 
0 express their dissatisfaction with the course which congress- 
jen pursue, and to say that unless satisfactory legislation is 
nacted the workers will manifest their preference for another 
itizen as their representative or senator, and thus encompass 
he defeat of the men or parties which refuse to comply with the 
equests or demands of labor? 

Of course, to act as indicated conveys an implied threat. It is 
threat which is made, and will continue to be made, by those 
tho have interests to serve and principles to advance. 
Protectionists threaten free-traders; gold-standard men 
hreatened free-silverites, and vice versa. Corporate interests 
areaten (where they can not buy) congressmen whose predi- 
sctions are to afford the people relief from unjust conditions. 

. How, then, can it be wrong for the wage-earners and those who 
ympathize with them to demand that congressmen shall lend a 
lore willing ear to the just demands of labor, and to undertake 
b exercise their sovereign right of American citizenship in the 
efeat of those who misrepresent them, and to elect others in 
ueir places more friendly disposed? 

} As a matter of fact, the right of sovereign citizenship, the 
allot, is in its very essence not only a threat, but the means to 
hforce the threat to defeat those who oppose, and elect those 
iho are favorably disposed to further the interests of the citizen. 
Labor in this action is entirely within its lawful and moral 
ghts, and is entirely justified in the exercise of its political as 

ell as its economic power.—American Federationist, June, 1906. 

: 
It is not surprising that many good citizens heretofore only 
F d a vague notion of labor’s demands and the sound logic upon 
ihich they were based; but the launching of our campaign, aye, 
ren the denunciation by the hostile portion of the press, has 


ing. The desire of the general public to know what our 
‘mpaign is about has given labor’s representatives a greater 
portunity than ever before to present our claims and to show 
at they are founded upon justice, a patriotic and humane de- 


132 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


sire to help all our people. The American desire to deal honestl 
and fairly with propositions which merit such treatment, help 
our cause beyond measure. 

It is surprising to many who have not hitherto studied th 
subject to find that while we made a clear-cut and definite cam 
paign on certain issues, including, for instance, the eight-hou 
and anti-injunction bills; these and all labor’s demands serioush 
concern every citizen, irrespective of whether he be a member o 
organized labor or whether he is a wage-earner. 

Truth is an eternal verity, and our cause needs only to b 
understood in order to win the support of all sympathetic, pa 
triotic and right-principled men. 

We gain by every discussion. We gain even by every hostil 
attack which provokes comment and gives an opportunity t 
show what is the truth in regard to our cause. The discussion o 
the specific measures which labor advocates has led to a con 
sideration of the basic, economic propositions and philosophx 
upon which such demands are founded. Many so-called states 
men no less than the multitude of private citizens have foun 
that our campaign has forced a more careful study of problem 
which heretotore have been passed over with conventiona 
phrases which cover ignorance of important subjects. 

We repeat, a great educational work was begun many year 
ago, and has been continually carried on day after day as wel 
as in our recent campaign. It will continue until full justice ha 
been accorded to laber—From Annual Report to A. F. of L 
Convention, Minneapolis, Minn., November, 1906. 


Our conventions have frequently declared that our movemen 
has neither the right nor the desire to dictate how a membe 
shall cast his vote. It has been my privilege and honor alway 
so to insist. I have not departed, and can not now, depart fron 
that true trade union course. At the Minneapolis convention th 
following declaration was adopted: 


/ 

“We must have with us in our economic movement men of a 
parties as well as of all creeds, and the minority right of the humbles 
man to vote where he pleases and to worship where his conscience 
dictates must be sacredly guarded.” 


That solemn and binding declaration is the guarantee to ever 
member of our organized labor movement; and though it be tru 


HE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 133 


at now, as never before in the history of the labor movement 
our country have the people been, so practically unanimous in 
eir determination to make the contest for justice and right and 
zedom as in the campaign which will have come to a close be- 
re I submit this to you, yet if there were but one man in all 
ir movement who chose for himself to vote and cast his lot 
mtrary to the practically unanimous determination of the great 
nk and file, that is a right which our movement can not and 
ust not deny him. .. . 
The Executive Council called a conference at Washington in 
06, where the historic “Bill of Grievances” was adopted, which 
is presented to the President of the United States, to the pre- 
ling officer of the Senate, and to the Speaker of the House. 
mngress continued indifferent, aye, became still more hostile, 
r it annulled part of the eight-hour law so far as it applied to 
e construction of the Panama Canal, but our demonstration had 
e effect of the President issuing an order for the enforcement of 
e existing eight-hour law which, upon various occasions for 
gre than two years previous, I had vainly urged him to en- 
a 
Finding the majority in Congress indifferent and inimical to 
Ir grievances, the campaign was undertaken to secure the elec- 
m of men true to labor, and the defeat of our most conspicu- 
opponents. Several of those hostile to labor’s interests were 
i, the majority in Congress in 1906 was reduced fully 
e-half and the majority of those of our opponents elected, 
avily cut down. 
The campaign inaugurated by labor in 1906, being the first 
spicuous effort to punish labor’s enemies at the polls, in- 
ased their anger and aggravated their antagonism. The 
eaker, who had “packed” committees not only against labor 
t against any other real reform legislation, was brazenly re- 
icted, and to accentuate his bitter and relentless determination 
block effective legislation, he so appointed his committees as 
make absolutely sure of the impossibility of having bills ob- 
tionable to him and the “interests” he represents from even 
hg reported for the consideration of Congress. 
n following that vindictive policy, he punished the Repre- 
tative in Congress, Mr. Pearre, who had the courage to re- 
oduce our bill to regulate the issuance of the injunction writ 


134 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE | 


and to prevent its abuse. Speaker Cannon refused to reappoi 
Mr. Pearre as a member of the Judiciary Committee, a cor 
mittee upon which he had served ably and conspicuously in ty 
preceding Congresses. 

Injunctions continued to be issued in constantly more aggr 
vated form, until the injunction was issued by Justice Goul 
December 18, 1907, against the more than two millions membe 
of the organizations of the American Federation of Labor, | 
well as against the Executive Council. Free speech and : 
press were denied and then followed the Supreme Court decisi 
in the Danbury Hatters’ case, classing our unions as trust} 
corporations, monopolies, conspiracies and combinations in illeg 
restraint of trade, with all the liabilities of three-fold damagi 
fines of $5,000, and imprisonment for a year. 

When the events recorded, and others too numerous to me 
tion, transpired, they developed and culminated into an acu 
state of feeling among the workers of the country. The rig 
of exercising the peaceful, normal, and natural activities of f 
workers was outlawed, the very existence of our united effor 
imperilled, constitutional rights of free speech and free pr 
were invaded and denied, and the hostile frame of mind of Ca 
gress clearly emphasized. 

At this time came demands from our fellow-workers all ov 
the country in the form of resolutions and otherwise, all of the 
urging that a definite course be pursued by our Federation rel 
tive to the new conditions which had arisen. 

The adverse decisions and injunctions of courts and the ht 
tility of Congress created an unsettled and anxious state of mi 
among our fellow-workers throughout the country. A number 
central bodies adopted resolutions demanding that the Executt 
Council call a mass convention to take political action in som 
form or other, and declaring that in the event that this was n 
done by a specific date, they would themselves inaugurate such 
movement. The greater number, however, expressed their d 
votion to our movement by declaring themselves willing 
follow whatever course upon which the Executive Council 
the American Federation of Labor might decide. 

It was in consideration of this situation that a meeting of : 
Executive Council was called at Washington, beginning Mani 
16. Upon the authority of my colleagues an invitation was e 


E POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 135 


ded to the responsible officers of the international unions to 
ticipate in a conference at Washington, March 18, 1908. 

t was there and then that the Protest Conference, together 
h the Executive Council, formulated and presented the ‘“Pro- 
. to Congress,” and it is my earnest hope that you will again 
1 that historic document in connection herewith. It sets 
h clearly the grounds of our complaint and the basis of our 
test. The closing words of that protest I feel it necessary 
juote: 


\s the authorized representatives of the organized wage-earners of 
‘country, we present to you in the most conservative and earnest 
ner that protest against the wrongs which they have to endure 
‘some of the rights and relief to which they are justly entitled. 
re is not a wrong for which we seek redress, or a right to which 
spire, which does not or will not be equally shared by all the 
cers—by all the people. 

hile no Member of Congress or party can evade or avoid his or 
- own individual or party share of responsibility, we aver that the 
y in power must and will by labor and its sympathizers be held 
iarily responsible for the failure to give the prompt, full, and effec- 
‘Congressional relief we know to be within its power. 

e€ come to you not as political partisans, whether republicans, 
crats, or other, but as representatives of the wage-workers of our 
try whose rights, interests, and welfare have been jeopardized and 
‘tantly, woefully disregarded and neglected. We come to you be- 

you are responsible for legislation, or the failure of legislation. 
ese, or new questions, are unsettled, and any other political party 
Imes responsible for legislation, we shall press home upon its rep- 
tatives and hold them responsible, equally as we now must hold 


> 


is protest and demand were signed by the Executive Coun- 
nd by the officers and representatives of the very large num- 
-of international unions participating in the conference. 
r’s “Protest to Congress” was published in the April (1908) 
ican Federationist. 
€ same conference adopted an “Address to Organized Labor 
Farmers of the Country.” In that address the same signers 
red that: 


e have appealed to Congress for the necessary relief we deem 
itial to safeguard the interests and rights of the toilers. 

e now call upon the workeis of our common country to 

and faithfully by our friends, 

ppose and defeat our enemies, whether they be 

ndidates for President, 

r Congress, or other offices, whether 

ecutive, legislative, or judicial. 


136 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


“Each candidate should be questioned and pledged as to his att 
upon all subjects of importance to the toilers, whether of factory, 
field, shop or mine. 

“We again renew and hereby declare our complete and abiding 
in the trade union movement to successfully accomplish the amel 
tion of economic conditions befitting all of our people. The histos 
past of our movement, its splendid achievements in labor’s behalf, 
magnificent present standing warrants the assertion and justifies 
prediction for its future success. 

“We, the representatives of the national and international t 
unions and farmers’ organizations, represented in this conference, 
upon the Executive Council and upon all labor to use every pos 
legitimate effort to secure for the workers their inalienable liber 
and their proper recognition as a vital portion of the fabric of 
civilization. We pledge ourselves to use every lawful and honor 
effort to carry out the policy agreed upon at this conference. © 
pledge our industrial, political, financial, and moral support to our ¢ 
members and to our friends wherever found, not only for the pre 
time, but for the continuous effort which may be necessary for suc 
We pledge ourselves to carry on this work until every industria 
political activity of the workers is guaranteed its permanent plac 
usefulness in the progress of our country. 

“Let labor not falter for one instant; the most grave and mon 
tous crisis ever faced by the wageworkers of our country is now U 


s. 
“Our industrial rights have been shorn from us and our liber 
are threatened. ; 
“Tt rests with each of us to make the most earnest, impressive 
law-abiding effort that lies within our power to restore these lib 
and safeguard our rights for the future if we are to save the worl 
and mayhap even the nation itself from threatened disaster. 
“This is not a time for idle fear. ’ 
“Let every man be up and doing. Action consistent, action persist 
action insistent is the watchword.” q 


The Protest Conference urged the workers of the country 
hold meetings and to pass resolutions expressive of their 
pose, demanding legislation at the hands of Congress befor 
adjourned, and declaring for the alternative course adopted 
governing the course of the participants in the conference i 
met their approval. The mass meetings were held by worl 
in factory, workshop, mill, mine, farm, and field. The indo 
ment and approval of the measures recommended by the Pre 
Conference were practically unanimous. 

Desirous of pressing labor’s demands home upon the majo 
in control in Congress, five additional organizers were ca 
in from the field of their other activities, and added to the 
already at Washington to act as labor’s legislative commi 
They made the most strenuous efforts, and it is doubtf 


HE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 137 


ngle member of Congress in attendance escaped being inter- 
ewed as to his willingness to work and vote for the legislation 
ssential to the workers. With members of the Executive Council 
ir legislative committee appeared before the Congressional com- 
ittees to argue our cause and present our claims, but all to no 
vail. 
‘The leaders of the minority party in Congress declared their 
illingness and their purpose unitedly to aid the majority or any 
of the majority to enact the legislation which labor asked; 
Bie members of the dominant party in Congress had set their 
earts like flint; they had no ears to hear, no patience to heed 
ay claim, argument, or appeal involving the principles of equal 
ghts to equality before the law, or of the liberty of the work- 
‘s on a par with other citizens of our country. 
Congress adjourned with the defiant declaration of one of the 
epublican leaders in Congress and recent candidate of that 
arty for the Vice-Presidency, Mr. James Sherman, that “the 
epublican Party is responsible for legislation or for the failure 
f legislation,” and that he and his party were willing to assume 
ie responsibility. 
I strongly urge you and every worker and student of the 
wuse of labor to again read the report of the Federation legis- 
tive committee published in the August issue, 1908, of the 
merican Federationist. It reveals a tale of perfidy to the com- 
ion weal and in telling the truth, perforce besmirches the name 
ad history of a political party that found its embodiment of 
lealism in the martyred Lincoln. 
When Congress adjourned, after so shamelessly refusing to ac- 
ord the workers the relief and the rights upon which they had 
st their hearts and hopes, the feeling became still more tense 
mong the great rank and file of labor. The Executive Council 
1en decided to appeal from the action of Congress to the repre- 
antatives of the two great political parties in convention as- 
smbled. 
As already stated, we presented identical demands to the 
epublican and the Democratic Party conventions. In the one 
istance, that of the Republican convention, the declarations 
artes were for the enactment of a law that would legalize the 
orst abuse and perversion of the injunction writ, this in direct 
pposition to what we had asked. The Democratic Party, in con- 


138 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE | 
vention at Denver, adopted labor’s demands and incorpor 
them in its party platform. 

In view of the specific declarations of the men of la 
throughout our country for many years, the repeated decl: 
tions and instructions of the American Federation of Labor 
many of its conventions, some of which I have quoted, it devo 
upon you, the duly constituted representatives of the men 
labor of our country, you who come here and who have 5 
in immediate and constant touch with the toilers of Amer 
it is for you to say whether the course pursued, to stand fa 
fully by our friends and elect them, oppose our enemies ; 
defeat them, whether they be candidates for President, for C 
gress, or other offices, is justified, and meets with your 
proval, or your condemnation. 

The men of labor realize that our liberties as workers and 
citizens are threatened; that our industrial efforts to work 
labor’s rights and interests upon natural and rational lines 
outlawed, and that if it is the desire and aspiration of Ameri 
toilers to work along these peaceful, natural lines of hist 
development, these rights and liberties must be restored.—F1 
Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Denver, Col., Nov 
ber, 1908. 


[ 


We must be partisan for a principle and not for a party, 
we must make manifest the fact that we have political po 
and that we intend to use it; otherwise the ballot will bec 
an impotent weapon. Our members and friends can not exf 
that the officers of the Federation can impress either upon 
litical parties or upon Congress the demands of the workers 
justice and right unless those workers themselves have sht 
sufficient interest in the use of their political power as to m 
it clear that they are the potent force behind their chosen offi 
and representatives. The potency of the ballot begins in 
primary, independent of a party, and there the workers 
begin to assert their adherence to labor’s principles and demai 
There the workers make of themselves an educational fo 
They must endeavor to draw with them those unorganized, ] 
haps, or who have not yet become familiar with the legisla 
which is needed. 

Let us restate that there can be no coercion of any man al 


‘HE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 139 


arty lines. Labor must learn to use parties to advance our / 
rinciples, and not allow political parties to manipulate us for ' 
heir own advancement. The distinction is easily understood and 
sadily carried into effect. If each worker as an individual uses 
he ballot for the advancement of the principles for which labor 
tands and has declared there will be no question in future as 
> the power of labor to achieve its just demands; political 
pathy and partisan adherence will weaken; political activity and 
artisanship for labor’s principles will bring strength and suc- 

The activity, the loyalty of the workers in every part of 
e country is what we need in order that our political power 
lay be used harmoniously with our economic efficiency. The 
me is now for emphatic declaration and positive, practical 
reparation for action—From report to A. F. of L. Convention, 
‘oronto, Ont., Canada, November, 1909. 


J 


‘Trade unionists refuse “to shift the ground largely to the 
litical field” —that is, the partisan political field in the sense 
nployed by the Call. National unions of labor in America, 
ior to the formation of the American Federation of Labor, 
ade that shift, charmed with the voice of political sirens, and 
recked their craft on the Lorelei rocks of dissension. They 
sintegrated. Their wreckage forms a warning to the present 
| 
The problem of labor politics lies in doing the possible things 
at may justly free the masses from any of the burdens under 
ich they labor and which are consequent upon the present 
iquities of society. To the practical propositions of the social- 
!s toward that end, union labor ever gives due consideration. 
the eventual form of society for which socialists allege they 
am, however, trade unionists in general find themselves unable 
give support, since, as a matter of fact, that form has for forty 
's been steadily undergoing the changes of dissolving views. 

The “conservatism” of the American Federation of Labor, 
refore, is no more than the holding fast to that which has 
oved to be good, within the limits of trade union operation, 
Ting the vicissitudes of labor organization in its various forms 
this country for more than a century. The masses of wage- 
rkers in the different occupations have found their way to 
eement in united action for certain immediate economic aims, 


140 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the first of them being accomplished through acts bearing direct! 
on the labor market. The beneficial results thus attained ai 
too highly prized to be risked in the political ventures of a cruc 
utopianism.—A merican Federationist, February, 1912. 


Just a word as to the different ways the American trade unio} 
ists and the English trade unionists have approached publ 
questions. For more than thirty years there has been some repr 
sentative of English workingmen in the Parliament of Englant 
I think that the dean of the workingmen in the House of Con 
mons is an English coal miner elected as a coal miner and tk 
representative of the miners and other workingmen who are it 
cidentally employed in the mining districts, elected not as a Lif 
eral or a Conservative, but by Labor Liberals, I think it would E 
fair to say. When the courts of England made their decision i 
the Taff-Vale case it made the funds of the unions of Englan 
liable to be mulcted in damages by employers, and gave a ne 
and unexpected interpretation to the existing law, if I may sa 
so, just exactly as the courts of this country have interpreted th 
Sherman Anti-trust law to make that law apply to the organizi 
tions of the working people. When that was done the Britis 
workingmen realized that they were about to be placed in th 
same position as the old guilds of about three centuries ag 
subject to confiscation at the will and the fancy of the kin 
They were aroused. They held public meetings, and in the 
organization meetings and in their national congresses they d 
cided upon the inauguration of a campaign for the repeal, | 
rather for an amendment to the law that would annul the d 
cision or would overcome the decision of the courts of Englar 
in the Taff-Vale case. This resulted in the enactment by Parli 
ment of what is known as the British Trades Dispute Act 
1906. With that came the launching of the Independent Lab 
Party by the workingmen and the election of, I think, forty-t 
members of the House of Commons, and then in the last elt 
tion, I think, there were fifty-three members of the House 
Commons elected who are labor men—union men. The In¢ 
pendent Labor Party is a fairly established party in Englar 
In this country the trade unionists have sought to throw t 
weight of their influence for those particular men whom th 
believe to be most favorable to those things for which the lal 


(THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 1ar 


‘unionists stand. Whether a candidate is favorable or unfavorable 
to the position we take is largely determined by the candidate 
himself. We judge that by his votes. ... 

The American Federation of Labor has no power at all, nor 
does it pretend to exercise any power to control the individual 
action of the individual voter. Speaking now as its President, I 
have always endeavored to make that clear. As a matter of 
fact, during the 1908 campaign it was studiously circulated and 
‘repeated time and time again by the spellbinders who were 
‘opposed to us that I had pledged the 2,000,000 votes of the 
‘workmen to the Democratic Party, that I carried the workmen’s 
votes around in my vest pocket, etc. I took occasion to say that 
I could dictate the vote of not more than one citizen in the United 
States; that I have three sons, all of them voters, and I could 
‘not, if I would, and would not if I could, dictate how they should 
'vote; that the only one vote I could control was my own. I 
‘tried to emphasize that fact upon every occasion. ... 
| We submitted the first publication of campaign expenses. We 
/printed our financial statement of that campaign [1912] before 
‘any other political party or political factor did so. The com- 
‘mittee which was organized for the purpose of securing legis- 
lation for the publicity of campaign accounts, contributions, and 
expenditures, complimented the American Federation of Labor 
upon having issued the first publication of that character. 
| The funds were voluntary contributions. In the campaign of 
‘1908 there was some little money from the general funds used 
for publication, but not in the succeeding campaigns. . . 
_ In our political activities we have never paid money to mem- 
'bers of Congress as a reward for services rendered the cause of 
labor, nor offered any other consideration; nothing but our 
‘cordial support if we could be of assistance to them politically. 
We have never had money enough, and no matter how much 
‘money we might have we would never contribute anything toward 
‘their campaigns or to them in any way. . . . Since and includ- 
ing March, 1895, the American Federation of Labor has pub- 
lished its income and its expenditures every month for the pre- 
ceding month, and there has been no deviation from that course 
month by month. During the political campaigns in which we 
were specifically interested, we appealed for financial assistance— 
voluntary financial assistance. We published little leaflets con- 


142 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


taining the amounts received and by whom contributed, and the 
amounts expended and to whom and for what purpose paid. . : 

Why should we not have our labor representatives here as 
our legislative committee? Why should we not have representa- 
tion in Congress? Why should we not have a representative in 
the Cabinet of the United States? In not less than eight coun- 
tries in Europe, and in several countries in America, there is a 
department of labor, with a distinctively labor man from the 
ranks of the workers, or rather still in the ranks until selected 
for high office, at the head of the department. It is a recognition 
of the transition of society. It is an acknowledgment of the ex- 
tending of the scope of government from the merely and purely 
political to the industrial and social—From abstract of testimony 
before House Lobby Investigation Committee, Washington, D. C., 
December, 1913. | 

One great advantage of the [political] policy the A. F. of L. 
has pursued is that it has in no way hampered or detracted from) 
the economic power or effectiveness of the trade unions. Nonpar- 
tisan political activity does not subordinate the economic interests, 
of the trade unionists to partisan interests but our political policy 
has made our economic influence, our economic needs, our eco- 
nomic welfare of paramount importance. The paramount issue 
of our political campaign was the enactment into law of legisla- 
tion that would assure the legal right to organize and secure 
for labor organizations the legal right to perform those activities 
necessary to carry out the purposes of the economic organiza- 
tions.—A merican Federationist, February, 1917. 


Political conditions are such in the United States that the) 
wage-earners have been united to one or the other of the two 
strong, political parties and that they are bound to these parties, 
by ties of fealty and of tradition. It would take years ever to 
separate any considerable number of workers from their fealty; 
to the old party. In addition to these, economic interests such) 
as tariff policies are a strong factor in determining the party 
allegiance of wage-earners. The formation of a new party would 
mean the formulation of a complete political program for the 
wage-earners. In drawing up such a policy it would be impossible 
to avoid controversial questions and hence it would be impossiblé 


THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 143 


to secure the united action of the wage-earners upon all ques- 
tions. However, it is a very simple and natural thing to secure 
united action upon fundamentals. Alliance in any party already 
formed would be responsible for the practices and purposes of 
that party and responsible for its ‘practical politics.” 

If this policy were adopted success could be achieved only 
when the party with which the alliance was made came into 
power. To those who have studied the psychology of partisan 

| politics it requires only a reference to disclose the disadvantages 
of this policy. Party success carries with it the necessity for 
party rewards. The party assumes the responsibility for legis- 
lation and for administration. It is placed in the position of de- 
_fense. Such an alliance would make it necessary for the workers 
_to use part of their power in defending the administration and 
thereby reduce their effectiveness in fighting for their own legis- 
lation. . . 

Without forming a political party, without forming any new or- 
| ganizations, without additional expenditure of trade union funds, 
_ all except one of the demands contained in the Bill of Grievances 
_ have become the law of the land. The passage of the Immigra- 
_tion law, the last demand removed from the list, illustrates the 
| distinctive political power which organized labor has developed 
} 
! 


| since 1906. The proposal to restrict immigration was not a 
partisan measure.—American Federationist, March, 1917. 


The New Republic holds that radical changes in society of a 
constructive character can be secured only through a political 
. program carried into effect by a political party. The New Re- 
public has failed to think its problem through. Radical changes 
in society are not brought about by altering the outside forms. 
| They must begin with the individual as manifested through the 
_ expression of individual will and creative effort. These changes 

are fundamental and deal with the things of every-day life and 
| work. Changes in standards of living, conditions of work, and 
| the freeing of individual will from repression, result in different 

Spiritual forces that through collective constructive effort will 
| revolutionize the organization of society. Until these radical 
_ fundamental changes are brought about, superficial changes com- 
3 ing through legislation would be without availAmerican Fed- 
| erationist, August, 1918, 
| 


144 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


An independent political labor party becomes either radica 
so-called, or else reactionary, but it is primarily devoted to one 
thing and that is vote-getting. Every sail is trimmed to the 
getting of votes. The question of the conditions of labor, the 
question of the standards of labor, the question of the struggles 
and the sacrifices of labor, to bring light into the lives and the 
work of the toilers—all that is subordinated to the one consid 
eration of votes for the party. 

I have read the fourteen points which have been formulated 
for the proposed Labor Party here. Is there one of them of an 
essential character to the interests and welfare of the working 
people of the United States which is not contained in the curric- 
ulum, the work and the principles of the bona fide labor move 
ment of our country? ... 

The organization of a political labor party would simply mean’ 
the dividing of the activities and allegiance of the men and 
women of labor between two bodies, such as would often come 
in conflict. 4 

In the British Trade Union Congress at Derby there were 
divergent views. There were four different points of view upon 
one subject before the Congress. In order to try to unite the 
thought a committee of four was appointed for the purpose of 
trying to bring in some agreed proposition and recommendation 
for adoption by the Congress. In the course of a few days the 
committee reported a resolution. For the purpose of conserving 
time the four members of the committee representing the diver 
gent views were called upon in turn to express their views. Ea 
in turn expressed his own view and placed his own construction 
upon the resolution recommended. Then each declared that he 
was going out to fight for his own view... . . 

Suppose in 1912 we had had a labor party in existence; do you 
think for a moment that we could have gone as the Ameri 
labor movement to the other political parties and said: “We 
want you to inaugurate in your platform this and this declara- 
tion.” If one of the parties had refused and the other party com 
sented and took its chance, would the American Federation of 
Labor have been permitted to exercise that independent political 
and economic course if the labor party had been in existence? 
How long would we have had to wait for the passage of a law 
by Congress declaring in practice and in principle that the labor 


THE POLITICAL POLICY OF ORGANIZED LABOR 145 


of a human being is not a commodity or an article of commerce— 

the most far-reaching declaration ever made by any government 
in the history of the world—From address “Should a Political 
Party be Formed?” ; at Labor Conference, New York City, 
December 9, 1918. 


In the political efforts, arising from the workers’ necessity to 
secure legislation covering those conditions and provisions of 
life not subject to collective bargaining with employers, organized 
labor has followed two methods; one by organizing political 
‘Parties, the other by the determination to place in public office 
Tepresentatives from their ranks; to elect those who favor and 
champion the legislation desired and to defeat those whose policy 
is opposed to labor’s legislative demands, regardless of partisan 
‘politics. 

: The disastrous experience of organized labor in America with 
political parties of its own amply justified the American Federa- 
‘tion of Labor’s non-partisan political policy. The results se- 
‘cured by labor parties in other countries never have been such 
as to warrant any deviation from this position. The rules and 
regulations of trade unionism should not be extended so that 
the action of a majority could force a minority to vote for or 
give financial support to any political candidate or party to 
‘whom they are opposed. Trade union activities cannot receive 
the undivided attention of members and officers if the exigencies, 
burdens and responsibilities of a political party are bound up 
‘with their economic and industrial organizations. 

The experiences and results attained through the non-partisan 
political policy of the American Federation of Labor cover a gen- 
eration. They indicate that through its application the workers 
tg America have secured a much larger measure of fundamental 
legislation, establishing their rights, safeguarding their interests, 
protecting their welfare and opening the doors of opportunity 
than have been secured by the workers of any other country. 

_ The vital legislation now required can be more readily se- 
cured through education of the public mind and the appeal to 
its conscience, supplemented by energetic political activity on 
the part of trade unionists, than by any other method. This is 
and will continue to be the political policy of the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, if the lessons which labor has learned in the 


bitter but practical school of experience are to be respected and 
applied. 

It is therefore most essential that the officers of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor, the officers of the affiliated organiza- 
tions, state federations and central labor bodies and the entire 
membership of the trade union movement should give the most 
vigorous application possible to the political policy of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor, so that labor’s friends and opponents 
may be more widely known, and the legislation most required — 
readily secured. This phase of our movement is still in ia 
infancy. It should be continued and developed to its logical” 
conclusion—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, At- 
lantic City, N. J., June, 1919. 


146 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 
j 
; 
| 


VI 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN 
PROGRESS 


In the branch of industry in which I work we have to contend 
with a curse known as the manufacturing of cigars in tenement 
houses, in which the employer hires a row of tenements four or 
five stories high, with two, three or four families living on each 
floor, occupying a room and bed-room, or a room, bed-room, and 
an apology for a kitchen. The tobacco for the work is given out by 
the manufacturer or his superintendent to the operatives who 
work there, the husband and wife, and they seldom work without 
one or more of their children, if they have any. Even their par- 
ents, if they have any, work also in the room, and any indigent 
relative that may live with them also helps along. I myself made 
an investigation of these houses about two years ago; went 
‘-hrough them and made measurements of them, and found that 

owever clean the people might desire to be they could not be so. 
The bedroom is generally dark, and contains all the wet tobacco 
chat is not intended for immediate use, but perhaps for use on 
he following day; while in the front room (or back room, as the 
at may be) the husband and wife and child, or any eat or 
elative that works with them, three or four or five persons, are 
lp be found. Each has a table at which to work. The tobacco 
vhich they work and the clippings or cuttings, as they are termed, 
ire lying around the floor, while the scrap or clip that is intended 
0 be used immediately for the making of cigars is lying about to 
| Children are playing about as well as their puny health 
vill permit them, in the tobacco. I have found, I believe, the 
ost miserable conditions prevailing in those houses that I have 


at any time in my life. . . . The yards were all dirty. The 
Is were kept very dirty with tobacco stems and refuse that ac- 
ulates from the tobacco. ... The water-closets are all 


147 


ee 


148 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


vaults, in very few places connected with sewers, vaults in th 
back yard, around which a few boards have been nailed. . . 
The water supply is very meagre indeed. .. . 

From the year 1873 to 1878 the cigar-makers of this count 
were reduced in wages systematically every spring and every fall. 
The reductions in wages were sometimes large and sometimes no 
quite so large, but a reduction was the order of the day at thos 
periods. At that time the cigar-makers’ organization was in a 
very weak and puerile condition. Further, the manufacturers of 
cigars throughout that period managed to introduce a system o 
truck or “pluck-me” payments, by which the workingmen wer 
paid in kind, cigars, and were required to go out and sell them 
to any grogshop or other place of any description where 
they could sell them; or they would receive _ store 
orders, or, in the case of single men, they would be r 
quired to board at certain hotels or boarding houses. In th 
city of Elmira, in this State, a manufacturer paid his workingmen 
$6. per bousend if they were taking their wages out in truck or 
kind, while he paid only $5. a thousand to those single men who 
were in boarding houses, and but $4. a thousand to those cigar- 
makers who wanted cash, legal tender. . . . In these last two 
years)... Eram convinced that we have Se over one hundred 
and sixty or one hundred and seventy strikes, and the strikes have 
been successful except in, perhaps, twenty instances, where they 
may have been lost or compromised. The truck system of which 
I spoke exists no longer in our trade... . 

One of the most hard-worked class of people under the sun, the 
freight-handlers of the city of New York... are a body of 
men, very sinewy, working for 17 cents an hour for the railroad 
corporations. Last year they had the hardihood to ask for three 
cents more an hour, making 20 cents an hour, when the railroads 
informed them that they would not pay it. The freight-handlers 
were, after a struggle, starved into submission, and are working 
now for 17 cents an hour... . He [the freight handler] gems 
erally lives in very poor quarters; his home is but scantily fur 
nished; he can eat only of the coarsest food; his children, like too 
many others, are frequently brought into the factories at a very 
tender age; in some instances his wife takes in sewing and does 
chores for other people, while in other instances that I know 
they work in a few of the remaining laundries where women are 


ae ——— a a 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 149 


till engaged, the work not having been absorbed by the Chinese. 
sy this means the home, of course, is broken up; indeed there is 
lardly the semblance of a home, and in these instances where the 
yife goes out to work no meal is cooked. Many of the stores 
ave for sale dried meats or herrings, cheese, or some other article 
vhich does not require any cooking. Of course, when the wife 
; at home, although the living is very poor, it is cooked; she 
cooks what can be purchased with the portion of the 17 cents 
yer hour remaining after the payment of rent, and the cost of 
ight, fuel, etc. . 

The car-drivers of the city of New York are working from 
ourteen to sixteen hours a day in all weathers, and receive $1.75 
,day. . . . His meals are served to him by his wife or friend or 
hild, as the case may be, in a kettle, while he is driving his team, 
nd at the end of the route he may possibly have two or three 
ninutes to swallow his food. It is nothing more than swallowing 
t, and when he comes home he is probably too tired or perhaps 
oo hungry to eat. . . . In some instances men who do not and 
annot live, on account of the meagreness of their wages, on the 
oute of the railroad, are compelled to live at some distance, and 
hen they have these relays or switches it takes them sometimes 
wenty or thirty minutes to reach their homes, and to return 


gain takes another half or three-quarters of an hour. . . . The 
i service is from fourteen to fifteen hours. Then there is the 
Joking after their horses and cleaning the car besides. . . . The 


r drivers have to stand all the time. . . . They sometimes rest 
ack against the door of the car for a while. They also, in some 
stances, have to act as conductors; that is, give change, count 
€ passengers, and register the number of passengers on an indi- 
tor. And then they are sometimes held responsible when some- 
ody is run over on account, perhaps, of their having to perform 
oO men’s work... . 

Among some of the tailoresses in the city I have made a per- 
mal investigation. They make a regular heavy pantaloon, work- 
g pants, for seven cents a pair. They are capable of making 
M pairs per day of twelve hours. Boys’ pantaloons they make 
t five to six cents per pair, making fourteen to sixteen pairs per 
ay of twelve hours. They work mostly seven full days in the 
eek; sometimes they will stop on Sunday afternoon, but all 
ork on Sunday, and their average weekly wage is about $3.81, 


Fad 


150 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


providing no time is lost. They are compelled to provide thei 
own cotton out of this, and their own needles and thimbles, anc 
other small things that are necessary in the-work. Overalls ane 
jumpers (a kind of calico jacket used by laborers in warn 
weather sometimes, to prevent the dirt getting to the shirt or un 
derclothing) they make for thirty to thirty-five cents per doze 
They generally work in “teams” of two, and they make abou 
three dozen per day, or in a working day of thirteen to fiftee 
hours they earn from forty-five to fifty-two and a half cents each 
They work generally in the shop but usually finish some wor 
home on Sunday. } 

From testimony before United States Senate Committee upor 
the Relations between Labor and Capital (Henry W. Blair 
chairman), August 16, 1883. 4 


That we are still far from the goal for which the human famil 
have been for ages struggling is due to our own ee 
There is no reason why we should not realize the highest hope 
of an ideal life, where man’s worth shall be measured by his rea 
utility to his fellows, where his generosity and sympathy, rathe 
than his cupidity and rapacity, will receive the encomiums ani 
rewards of a nobler manhood, a more beautiful womanhood and , 
happier childhood; where justice and fair dealing will redound ¢ 
the advantage and the ennobling of all. To the attainment ¢ 
that end we should bend our every energy, subordinate our ever 
other aspiration—From Annual Report of A. F. of L. Convention 
Philadelphia, December, 1892. 


4 
f 


The earth was intended for all mankind, and not for a fey 
The question of how they are going to get ‘their rights can onl 
be solved by the organized labor movement—not by revolutiot 
but by evolution. The true object of the labor movement is th 
seeking of a rational method by which these wrongs can t 
mothe: It was born out of hunger for food at first, and the 
grew with the hunger for better homes, better lives and highe 
aspirations and ideals. Now it is the living protest against th 
wrong and is the effort of the masses to improve the condition 
No one is educated who has not given the matter his study an 
attention—From address in Wesley Chapel, Cincinnati, Decen 
ber 20, 1896. 4 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS - ts1 


No market for industry or commerce is so conducive to true 
ivilization as the home market, based upon the ever increasing 
nd improving demands of our people—American Federation- 
it, April, 1899. 
In our present economic condition of society we have with a 
ery great degree of regularity a period of these industrial panics 
hat the student can determine almost with the exactness that an 
stronomer does of the comets, the coming of these periods of 
adustrial crises. Quite a number do not observe this economic 
henomenon. The worker knows that during these industrial 
anics he is out of a job; and you might have all the philosophy 
a the world, all the facts in the world to demonstrate the truth- 
ulness of your position, but he is out of a job, and he can not 
nderstand that there has been any social improvement, not even 
aat he has improved beyond the condition of his forefathers ten 
enturies ago; he knows he is out of a job, and he is hungry, 
nd the prospects of something in the future are very remote, 
nd to him the world has been growing worse all the time; the 
orld is in an awful condition, and it is in an awful condition 
y, and we must remember this, when we consider the social 
rogress; we must not compare this year with the last, or last 
ear with the year before, but compare it for a century by 
ecades, then the marvelous progress can be easily observed. 
|. . Most of us young men can go back 20 or 30 years; we 
mark the condition, and that which we do not know of our 
wn knowledge we can ascertain of truthful records. 
_[Q. To what do you attribute the vastly superior condition of 
he American workingmen over the European; the social condi- 
ion; the advanced, you might say scale of wages paid in 
erica over the European condition?] First, the working 
ple of Europe have emerged from a condition of slavery and 
tidom to that of wage laborers. The workingmen of America 
ave not had this hereditary condition of slavery and serfdom. 
There has been no special status for them as slaves or serfs, and 
theory, at least, they were supposed to be equals to all others. 
Another reason is the climatic conditions that obtain in our 
untry. The changes from extreme heat to extreme cold make 
e people more active, more nervous; accelerate their motion, 
celerate their thought; again, the vast domain of land, rich soil, 
hat even to-day is beyond speculation, much less the knowledge 


1 


152 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


of our own people—all these things have contributed to a bett 
material condition for the working people of our country. 
should add, I think, that the climate conditions, requiring bett 
food, more nutritious food, better clothing, more comfortabl 
clothing, better houses, better homes, have all been contrib 
ing factors for the pores to insist upon receiving—to se 
these things in the shape of higher wages... . 

[I take it that you do not believe that the rich are gettin 
richer in this country and the poor constantly getting poorer 
I do not believe that the poor are getting poorer; those who a 
rich are becoming richer. . . . It seems to have become a cate 
phrase, but I do not think that they necessarily go togethe 
There is a greater productivity in the world to-day, and 
wage-earners are getting a larger share of the product of labe 
They are not getting the share which, in my judgment, they z 
entitled to by any means. 

Every step that the workers take, every vantage point gaine 
is a solution in itself. . . . I maintain that we are solving thi 
problems every day, as they confront us. One would imagine bj 
what is often considered as the solution of the problem that % 
world cataclysm is going to take place; that we shall go to ber 
one night under the present system and the morrow mornin) 
wake up with a revolution in full blast, and the next day of 
ganize a Heaven on earth. That is not the way that progress i 
made; that is not the way the social evolution is brought abou 
that is not the way the interests of the human family are ae 
vanced. We are solving the problem day after day. As we ge 
an hour’s more leisure every day it means millions of golde 
hours, of opportunities, to the human family. As we get 2 
cents a day wages increase it means another solution, anothe 
problem solved, and brings us nearer the time when a gr 
degree of justice and fair dealing will obtain among men.—Fro 
testimony before United States Industrial Commission, Apt 
18, 1899. 


Through the efforts of the American Federation of Labor. : 
voluntary servitude in Hawii, enforceable by law, was aboli 

by Congress. The bill providing a code for the government ¢ 
and perpetuating slavery or involuntary servitude in, the Ten 
tory of Hawaii, was introduced and passed by the House of 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 153 


esentatives. The bill contained the perpetuation of slavery or 
nvoluntary servitude and was reported favorably by the Senate 
sommittee, and would undoubtedly have passed and been en- 
ucted, had it not been for the activity of the representatives of 
yur Federation, who secured the following amendments to the 
ode: 

“That no suit or proceeding shall be maintained for the specific per- 
Ormance of any contract heretofore or hereafter entered into, for 
ersonal labor or service; nor shall any remedy exist or be enforced 


or breach of any such contract, except in a civil suit or proceeding 
nstituted solely to recover damages for such breach.” 


We love to speak of the good old times when men acted as 
ndividuals, when workmen had no unions and we had in our 
sountry no strikes. First, I want to disabuse the mind of any 
ye who may entertain that notion that the so-called good old 
imes are worth again ushering in. I have lived somewhat in the 
so-called good old times. 

_ Ihave no desire to see a re-introduction of them. With all the 
faults of our present time, I believe that it is the best that has 
sver existed on this mundane sphere. With us, I take it, as 
with you, with all the improvement that has come, it is not half 
ood enough as compared with what we believe it ought to be. 
But, take the notion of some of our friends who speak rather 
n imagination of the so-called good old times when there were no 
ions of labor and each man, as they say, stood upon his own 
feet, independent, and was a man and a sovereign... . 

| Organized labor found a condition of affairs in industry, when 
the first efforts of organization made their advent, that appalls 
he student. When organized labor made its advent upon the 
ield of industry it found the children in the mills and in the 
ines, in the shops and in the factories, and it is due to the 
much-abused organizations of labor that we find upon the statute 
j00ks of our most enlightened states and countries the laws 
protecting the lives of the young and the innocent children, who 
through our efforts have been put into the school rooms and 
nto the playgrounds rather than in the factories and the work- 
hops. 

When organized labor came upon the field the suffocation of 

en in the mines was of common occurrence, the caving in of 


as was of such frequency that no one seemed to pay atten- 


: 
| 


154 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


tion, and regarded it either as an act of Divine Providence : 
at least of accidental character for which no one was to blam 
The proper ventilation of mines, the safeguarding of machiner 
the child-labor laws upon our statute books have come as a rest 
of this movement.—From address at Buffalo, N. Y., before t, 
Independent Club, January 8, 1903. 


Doesn’t it lurk in the minds of all of us—millionaire or wag 
worker—that there is a good time coming and that we are ; 
hoping for it and striving for it in our own way? Some m 
think that it is coming in 10 years, others in 50, others in 1c 
some in 1,000, and still others in a longer period, but every m: 
has it in his mind that there is a better day coming. How do y 
hope to bring it about, then, if that be so, without the aid - 
the masses of the people in their organization, who shall help 
make of this country the great workshop of the world, who shi 
make of this country the great star of hope of the world, th 
has not only given the Declaration of Independence to the worl 
a new charter and a new birthright, but that shall make the 
declarations the living principles of our every-day lives, and wit 
out friction, without fight, without contest, each trying to \ 
with the other to do his level best in order that we may progré 
industrially, commercially, politically, morally, working out t 
great future which in my opinion the American people are dt 
tined to achieve-——From address at Jamestown, N. Y., Janua 


29, 1903. 


Miss Addams expresses the fear that the idealism of t 
unions is incompatible with, and endangered by, the necess| 
of “practical and business-like” methods. Employers complé 
that workmen are unreasonable and under the dominion of sen 
ment and dogma, and the question put by Miss Addams 
whether in adopting business principles the unions are not sa¢ 
ficing, and necessarily, their early idealism. 

We do not think that this must follow. To make contra 
and stick to them, even when they limit or take away the rij 
of striking out of sympathy, is not to sacrifice idealism. 
consult actual conditions and the dictates of reasonable expe 
ency before striking or making demands upon employers is : 
to abandon any ideal ever proposed by intelligent unionists. 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 155 


The “idealism” of the labor movement consists primarily in 
his, that the organized workmen in striking to better their 
wn condition and to secure for themselves more equitable treat- 
nent are really battling for social and industrial progress. 

When the workers raise the standard of living they raise it 
or all. 

When the unions reduce the hours of toil or increase pay, they 
iccomplish these beneficial results, not for any class, but for all 
lasses. 

The strike-breaker, the “scab,” the man who is too ignorant 
wr too servile, or too selfish to join a union, reaps the benefit of 
in organization he does his worst to undermine. 

Society needs justice, a fairer system of distribution, greater 
portunity, freedom and leisure for its workers. 

The unions are doing the work of society; in Miss Addams’ 
words they are intrusted with the task of social amelioration. 
Their methods must be governed by circumstances, but no 
nethod which really promotes the welfare of union labor can 
jossibly injure any other class——American Federationist, Octo- 
er, 1904. 


_ The improvement in the condition of the working people of 
yur country is not the result of any kindly philanthropy, not a 
tter of sympathy. The improvement is due entirely to the 
ited associated efforts of the working people themselves.— 
rom address at Dayton, Ohio, May 19, 1905. 

Two influences have been operating to develop sentiment in 
avor of establishing, in private industry, legislative regulation 
if contractual relations; one, an ardent enthusiasm to accom- 
jlish big results by one Sevelatienizine regulation, the other a 
ort of moral flabbiness that refuses to assume responsibility for 

own life but endeavors to cast upon society not only all re- 
ponsibility for the environment in which people live and work, 
ut also responsibility for securing for them conditions that are 
lesirable and helpful. 
The latter is a repudiation of the characteristics that enabled 
ericans to get results. They never feared the hard places but 
ared to wrestle with a primeval country. They were red-blooded 
and women with ruggedness in their wills. They were ready 


156 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


to fight for right and justice and equality, ready to defend what 
was rightfully theirs. This is the spirit that has made the Ameri. 
can labor movement the most aggressive labor organization ir 
the world, and has made its members the most efficient workers 
to be found anywhere. The American labor movement has doné 
things for the workers despite hostility of employers and indiffer: 
ence of society. 

Then as to the other influence—the desire to secure the big 
thing at one “fell swoop.” That has appealed to the imaginatior 
of dreamers and those who are infected with intellectual phantas 
magoria. 

They forget that after all permanent changes and progress 
must come from within man. You can’t “save” people—they 
must save themselves. Unless the working people are organizec 
to express their desires and needs and organized to express thei 
will, any other method tends to weaken initiative. 

And this is not a narrow policy, unmindful of the difficultie 
and hardships that encompass overworked, exploited workers 
The organized labor movement has done much for the unor: 
ganized; in incalculable ways the unorganized have been the 
beneficiaries of the fights and struggles of the organized Fron 
pamphlet “The Workers and The Eight-Hour Work-day,” 1915 


I said a while ago that we were primarily interested as unio} 
men in our own members. That is true. We would not be hu 
man were we otherwise. But the men of labor would not giv 
their time and their lives to the agitation of, and to the educa 
tion of this great labor movement, if its influences were confine 
to its members alone. 

The labor organizations can not do an act of any sort but i 
will have its influence, not only upon the members of the trad 
or calling directly involved, but in the entire ramifications ¢ 
society. If the labor organization shall succeed in preventing 
reduction in wages, don’t you see that that very fact will chec 
a reduction in wages of the non-union men as well? Don’t yo 
see, that when the organizations of labor secure an increase i 
wages, why they practically lift up the condition of the nor 
union workers? Don’t you know that when the hours of lab« 
of the union members are shortened, it shortens the hours of th 
non-union men? This gréat agitation for more time, for ma 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 157 


eisure, for more opportunity, for the establishment of a universal 
ight hour workday—it has had its influence not only upon union 
ind non-union workingmen, but it has its influence in every rami- 
ication of society. 

And so, my friends, let me say, that though our labor move- 
nent to-day seems to be placed in the position that we are fight- 
ng for the liberties of the union men, that is but a superficial 
view of it. We are fighting for the liberties of all our people, not 
mly to-day, but for all time. 

During the middle ages the nobles were wise enough to nurse 
he power which was exercised and inherent in the free cities. 
| take it, my friends, that it would be the part of wisdom that if 
hose who loved liberty most and who stood for the principles 
pon which the republic of our country is based, would realize 
hat in the labor movement of our time is vested the power and 
he spirit to defend justice and to perpetuate free institutions. If 
hey do not possess that understanding, if they do not realize that 
act, then to the workmen alone, and upon their shoulders alone, 
alls the duty and responsibility of standing for the principles for 
which the labor movement stands to-day, and which involves the 
yery essentials of free institutions—-From address at Chicago, 
., May 1, 1908. 

_ We assume, and of just right proclaim, that the physical con- 
ititution of the American Republic and its political institutions 
ire rapidly forming the foundation of the world’s social, moral, 
d spiritual regeneration. .. . We are standing at the meet- 
ig and parting of ways. We are preparing to take hold upon 
new form of national life. We are to leave the old ways, tak- 
g with us a glorious and profitable experience. We are to set 
ur faces toward the oncoming prodigious development of our 
lountry. Population is increasing enormously. Commercial 
lenters are taxing their energies to provide for the handling of 
manufactured and raw materials, of our crops, and the hous- 
g, feeding, schooling, and general livelihood of their constantly 
wing populations. Millions of acres of virgin soil are being 
repared by irrigation for the farmer and the husbandman, The 
eat watersheds of the country are more and more forcing them- 
ves upon the attention of wise and thoughtful conservators of 
le nation’s future; inland waterways; great canals and navi- 


Ya 


158 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


gable streams whereon to float the commerce of the future; th 
development of forestry as an art, and the seeding, planting, anc 
the cultivation of young trees; the appointment and maintenance 
of national commissions to look after these great projects; the 
prospective establishment of a Department of Labor with a 
secretary in the President’s cabinet—all these things loom up 
on the horizon of this new day or era in the progress and develop- 
ment of the American Republic.—American Federationist, July, 
1908. 4 


i 
i 


In no European country are our common schools equaled in 
their opportunities for education, in their inexpensiveness to the 
scholars, in their quality as a nursery of wholesome, manly and 
womanly sentiment. Comparing the railway systems of Europe 
with those of America, the traveler is obliged to look downwar 
and backward, for in that respect Europe is half a century be 
hind. The product of the American printing press, taken in its 
widest scope, its magazines, its newspapers, is a marvel to 
Europeans in quality of output and cheapness of price as we 
as richness in interest to all members of society—From ae 
in New York City, October, 1909. 


There are men prominent in the industrial and political affairs 
of our country who do not or will not understand the present 
trend of economic and social development, nor the position whic 
the organized labor movement takes relative thereto, expressing 
as it does an orderly and rational progress, and they consequently 
set themselves against the projects and aspirations of the toilers 
They will, as a matter of grace, yield a crumb of materiality, ye 
deny to the toilers the fundamental principle of freedom—free: 
dom to exercise those personal activities necessary in the struggli| 
to work out their own amelioration and emancipation. It is mos 
unfortunate that opponents assume such an attitude of hostility 
to the growth of the much misunderstood and misrepresentet} 
labor movement of our country and our time, and endeavor ti 
circumscribe its activities within such limitations as would de 
prive its members of their inherent, natural, and constitutiona 
rights. 

For what does organized labor contend if not to improve th 
standard of life, to uproot ignorance and foster education, t 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 159 


i 


still character and manhood and an independent spirit among 
ar people, to bring about a recognition of the interdependence 
| moaern life of man, and his fellow-man? We aim to establish 
normal workday, to take the children from the factory and the 
rkshop and give them the opportunity of the school, the home, 
id the playground. In a word, the unions of labor, recognizing 
ie duty to toil, strive to educate their members, to make their 
mes and lives more cheerful in every way, to contribute an 
umest effort toward making life the better worth living, to avail 
eir members of their right§ as citizens and to bear the duties 
d responsibilities and perform the obligations they owe to our-- 
yuntry and to our fellow-men. 
In tne constant struggle, in the struggle of the ages, as well 
of our time, the self-same elements of bitter antagonism have 
en and are now encountered. Labor contends that in every 
ort to achieve its praiseworthy ends all honorable and lawful 
jeans are not only commendable but should receive the sympa- 
netic support of every right-thinking, progressive man. The 
theels of industry must not be turned back nor the movements 
f cummerce halted. The industrial and commercial develop- 
lent can not and must aot be checked. 
Concentration of wealth continues. The tools of labor have 
een alienated from the toilers. Vast and intricate machinery 
supplanted them. The toilers must work. Their economic 
osition in society is changed. They can no longer act as indi- 
iduals to redress a wrong or to attain a right. They must pool 
jeir individual effort for their associated protection and weal, 
nd if the concept of the sovereignty of citizenship is not a mean- 
gless phrase the toilers must in their common effort under 
nodern industrial conditions be accorded the exercise of their 
ghts as citizens, as men, and as workers, to protect themselves 
rom the tyranny which concentrated wealth and industry im- 
se if left unchecked, and wherever necessary to contend against 
hat tyranny and to work for a higher and better opportunity to 
ve and to progress. Judicial decisions and legislative enactments 
e to be expected i in the course of the evolution through which 
ye are passing, but whatever their character the workers in our 
epublic must be accorded at least the same rights as those 
- by the subjects of the monarchy of Great Britain and 
f nearly every other civilized country. 


| 


160 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Because the labor movement in our country is so thorougl 
imbued with the consciousness and the responsibility to rati 
ally, naturally, and in an orderly manner work out the gr 
problems of the relations of the workers to society and to 1 
evolution of industry and commerce, and particularly with 1 
necessity to work for a higher and better life for the work 
and for common humanity, I regard the attitude of such hostil 
as I have recalled from men prominent in political and ind 
trial affairs as not only unjustified, but highly prejudicial to t 
best interest of all our people and *particularly dangerous to 
orderly adjustment and solution of the economic problems a 
social difficulties of our time. 

In all countries of the civilized world the economic probl 
is up for discussion, and its solution, gradual, peaceful, or oth 
wise, is a question of imminent importance. What in many otl 
countries is sought or accomplished by force or the show of fo: 
is in our movement undertaken or achieved by the Americ 
methods of agitation, education, and organization, and the ex 
cise of the personal rights of man in association with his fello 
—rights which must not under any pretense be denied by { 
subterfuge of injunctions or outlawed by the perversion or int 
pretation of law. 

If the labor movement of America can be outlawed and 
normal endeavors in the interests of the toilers and all the 
prived stratum of humanity made impossible, the discontent 
our people with existing wrongs and their efforts for relief 5 
find their expression in another form, a form perhaps not qu 
so rational or orderly. On another occasion I have expres 
this thought, whereupon malicious opponents have pervertec 
to make it appear the utterance of a threat. It is not a thre 
it is a diagnosis of societary conditions; it is a prediction—a ]} 
diction based upon a knowledge of the struggles of the peo} 
in the past and an understanding of human nature. 

The toilers must, for their own safety now and for the futi 
organize. Their organizations must be accorded the full k 
status recognized in all voluntary associations dealing with pu: 
personal affairs and instituted not for profit. In the same de; 
that these rights are recognized and conceded by present i 
tional opponents, will the great economic and industrial pi 
lems of our time and of the future be rationally, safely, 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 161 


eacefully solved. Solved they must be at all hazards—From 
nnual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, St. Louis, Mo., Novem- 
or, I9IO. 


So we feel cheered on this Labor Day. We even feel like lay- 
i aside the hardness that is acquired in the course of many 
attles against big odds and allowing the sentimental side of our 
itures to show themselves. We feel like talking of our women 
ad children and the battle organized labor is waging to make 
lem comfortable at their work and healthy in their homes. We 
ant to cite the human suffering that the organized workers 
ive been able to abolish and to pledge ourselves anew to a con- 
nued battle to bring decent working hours and conditions into 
ese dark places of the nation that are still its most crying dis- 
ace. And withal we are sanguine of a day that is coming when 
| working people may perform their tasks with the satisfaction 
at a happier life is possible to them. The progress has been 
ich that there is occasion for hopefulness——From Labor Day 
atement, Igrt. 


‘Labor’s contentions of many years have at length become 
erged into, or have rather codrdinated with, those of the pro- 
essive of all parties. The people as a whole, irrespective of 
ass, condition, calling or partisan alignment, have declared for 
Pedom in fact, and not merely in name. They are taking affairs 
ilitical into their own hands. They will no longer tolerate the 
le of legislation to the highest bidder or the granting of fran- 
lises to the richest bribe-giver. Under the coming régime, as- 
lredly there are to be no more court decrees entered as pre- 
jred in advance and ordered by the attorney for the stronger 
tty—stronger politically or financially. Along with these 
uses will depart the midnight injunction and the policeman’s 
ady club, at the behest of those claiming a property right in the 
dor of the vicinage, whether at work or on strike. In lieu of 
political boss and his machine, we shall have leadership of 
welligence, pleading for public justice, with adherents propor- 
jmed in number to the strength of the arguments. The stuffed 
ilot-box, the false count, and the perjured election return will 
fewise disappear. With these opportunities, with these stimu- 
jing inducements to free thought and action, the cause of 


162 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


public justice will be advanced in all directions. Labor, acti 
from the point of enlightened self-interest, and yet with a f 
sense of responsibility respecting the just rights of all others 
society, will manfully and patriotically meet its enlarged © 
sponsibilities From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Conventii 
Atlanta, Ga., Novmber, rgrt. 


With the progress of the ages has come a widening of me 
thoughts and social vision, a new appreciation of the meani 
of life with its attendant responsibilities and obligations. Ama 
men and women of all walks of life has come this awakening; 
manner of social solutions are urged; all kinds of associations : 
the promotion of special reforms have arisen. The accumulat 
momentum of all these activities has swept away the mental ; 
mosphere generated by the old individualistic philosophy, ma 
way for broader, more generous sympathies and impulses, a 
enlightened, scientific efforts to achieve the highest developme 
industrially, politically, socially, and morally. In starting t 
forces that have led to these changes, our much misrepresent 
organized labor movement has wielded an influence previou: 
little understood outside our ranks. As is just, we profit also” 
the changes we have created, for this wider social vision } 
enabled men to see the justice of our work and of our fun¢ 
mental principles and purposes. To-day we find innumerable , 
ganizations working independently, or willing to codperate w 
us, to the end that workers shall be enabled to have better wo 
ing conditions, a shorter working day and better wages, that : 
life may be wholesome, clean, and uplifting. All of these thi 
are stepping-stones by which the toilers climb upward and 
ward—each step revealing a wider horizon and an increas 
conception of human possibilities. . . . 

Contemplation of the progress of labor reveals the journey 
ward through the centuries from the status of slavery to s 
dom to villenage, and finally to freedom, opening the road 
a new plane of battle—legal, individual freedom did not as s 
secure industrial and social freedom. ‘The struggle to secure 
the individual, opportunity for development of mental, phys 
and moral powers that he might enter into his rightful herit 
joy in life and work, began with juristic freedom and is the 
spiration of our present activities. To show what progress 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 163 


wwe made, one has only to turn the pages of history. The 
ganized workman of to-day enjoys comforts of which feudal 
irons never dreamed—comforts of home, heating, furnishing, 
nitation, food, and clothing; his children receive in the public 
hools an education more comprehensive than medieval univer- 
ties could bestow; his opportunities for intellectual stimulation 
id social amusement have increased a thousandfold; his ad- 
intages in transportation and communication have revolution- 
ed living. ‘These same pages of history tell the story of how 
ose who labor have been able to secure so much greater pro- 
tion of the social wealth. Wherever the working people have 
ade progress, some form of organization has been the agency 
at has transformed individual impotency into collective strength 
fraternities, lodges, merchant guilds, craft guilds have been 
Ipful, but the labor unions, trade unions, have been the most 
tent factors in the forward movement. A survey of methods 
ows that the forms of “labor war” have been constantly re- 
red; free workmen do not employ the methods of revolting 
aves. As the workers’ organizations were strengthened, more 
nefits were secured; as a result of these benefits, the workers 
veloped physically and mentally and were able to produce 
ore wealth; with a broader outlook and increased self-apprecia- 
mn, new demands were formulated—so the cycle of progress 
mtinues. This dynamic examination presents achievements of 
hich we are justly proud, affords encouragement for continua- 
m of the struggle. The’ backsets have been temporary; what 
a at the time disasters, the historic perspective reveals as 
entives to new methods and activities; increased well-being has 
len permanent. ... 

‘This more efficient, more human worker, demands better work- 
5 conditions, the aim being to conserve human resources. Much 
is been done to let pure air and sunshine into working places, 
exclude conditions breeding organisms injurious to life, but 
er-increasing knowledge and the widening of our conception 
bid us to stop or stay in the crusade for human welfare. 
ong all the organizations on the American continent working 
m the various phases of this great problem, the American 
deration of Labor is the leader, and has often been the pioneer 
ing the way.... 

a result of the recent awakening of the workers of the 


164 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


United States, this growing realization of their political pow 
and influence, more progress in remedial, constructive legisl: 
tion has been made this year than in the decade previous. W 
do need new devices and new methods of political expression, bi 
not half as much as we need to realize and to use the power thi 
we now possess, to consecrate ourselves and our ability to hi 
manity’s cause. 

As labor organizations have been able to secure advantagi 
for their members, they have endeavored as far as possible i 
share these with the workmen not enrolled in their ranks. 
have endeavored to help them to help themselves, to a 
federate, and educate their fellow-workers so that we shall hast 
the time when poverty with its fear and degradation shall 
eliminated, and the way opened for lasting progress. Rights am 
privileges that are to-day entrusted to our care, are the fruits ( 
past struggles. We are obligated to preserve inviolate the thi 
entrusted to our keeping, and to account for them with te 
to the next age-—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Conventioi 
Rochester, N. Y., November, 1912. 

§ 

“The old idea was that there were three pre ae 
minister, lawyer—but that idea has passed. Conscientious dite 
digging is as much a profession as any,” so spoke Vice-Preside 
Marshall who refuses to be condemned to the conventional fo 
years of silence. And he rightly interpreted changing opinit 
which no longer sharply distinguishes between business and pr 
fessions and trades. After all it is not so much the nature’ 
the work done that lifts it above mere drudgery and transfor 
it into a calling as it is the attitude of the worker toward ]} 
work. There is a marked tendency in the educational and j 
dustrial world to foster a spirit and an understanding that shi 
give each confidence and professional pride in his particular j 
whether it be grinding teeth or pins, collecting tickets or bo 
coupons, painting houses or pictures. 

The ideal of modern education is to develop individual ¢€ 
ciency that shall enable the worker to take creative satisfact 
in good work, done with an understanding of its relation to sot 
needs. This ideal is shaping the policies of the public sche 
and the universities. Our oldest university, Harvard, has 
cently added a new school, that of Business Administration, ¢ 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 165 


Il credit its courses equally with those of the long-recognized 
hools of Art, Law, Science, etc. This is not a new idea, for 
nilar schools have been established by many colleges and uni- 
rsities, but it indicates increasing spread of true democracy. 
might be said that business is being professionalized or that 
| professions are becoming business—both equally true. At any 
te, we are reaching the conviction that there’s no job so lowly 
it what is worth doing for the work’s sake, if it serves a real 
ed—and the worker should be respected accordingly, duly com- 
msated that he may have joy and self-respect in his calling. 
ealism? Surely, but it is a good thing to infuse idealism into 
ery job. Idealism is necessary to every work and movement— 
helps to keep the purpose true and steady and honest. . . . 
Idealism preserves faith in mankind and confidence in the ef- 
tiveness of purposeful work. So the idealism of the trade 
ion movement has shaped its policies, has given breadth and 
pth to its influence, and has brought a freer life and hope to 
ny— American Federationist, July, 1913. 


Labor is not only in sympathy with but will support all move- ~ 
ots for the conservation and betterment of humanity. In fact, 
tompelling sense of responsibility for human conservation and 
P desire to protect individual interests are among the causes 
organization among the workers. In labor’s economic plat- 
are demands for a shorter working day and a living wage— 
» conditions absolutely essential to physical well-being. Or- 
hized labor insists upon safety, sanitation, compulsory educa- 
and many practical educational developments and advan- 
6S which aid the individual to reach the fullest development. 
f would have the children develop sound bodies and strong, 
thy minds, would fit them for productive living, and would 
Eble them to do the best work of which they are capable and 
mm assure to them a just compensation—American Federa- 
list, October, 1913. 


June 25, 1868, Congress enacted an eight-hour law. On 
VY 19, 1869, President Grant issued a proclamation forbidding 
feduction in wages on account of any reduction of the hours 
fabor. On May 11, 1872, President Grant issued a proclama- 


fm calling attention to what were presented to him as violations 
ibe 


166 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


of the eight-hour act, and issued a direction to the departm 
of the Government to make no reduction in the wages paid 
the Government by the day for laborers, workingmen, and 
chanics, on account of the reduction in the hours of labor. 
May 18, 1872, Congress enacted a law providing that the pr 
accounting officers be directed, authorized, and required to se 
accounts for the services of workers who had been required 
work more than eight hours a day. On March 30, 1888, in 
urgent deficiency bill, the Public Printer was directed to enfot 
the provisions of the eight-hour law in the department und 
his charge. ; 
On May 24, 1888, the eight-hour law was extended to a 
to the letter carriers. On August 1, 1892, a further law y 
adopted applying not only to the Government employees, but 
mechanics and artisans employed by any contractor or sube 
tractor, and then followed the interpretations of that law 
which I have already called attention. Then followed the amen 
ments to that law which we sought, and finally, on June 8, 191 
the law was amended in order to forbid the employment of m 
beyond the eight-hour limit, unless there was a great emergen 
as provided by the law. I may say that President Taft pi 
sented me with the pen with which he signed that law.—Fr 
abstract of testimony before House Lobby Investigation Co 
mittee, Washington, D. C., December, 1913. 


The trade unions of America reached their highest developme 
during the year 1913. They made themselves felt in city coi 
cils, county boards, county court-houses, state legislatures, sti 
courts, the national Congress, the federal courts, and in evé 
sphere where human activity and human betterment can be ¢ 
tained for the workers through legislative or judicial means, } 
they used those great agencies as supplemental agencies in | 
wonderful work they have accomplished themselves through th 
economic organization—the trade unions. They have made th 
influence felt among school boards, colleges and state universit 
in behalf of a higher, better, more practical, more useful, syst 
of education, because the workers realize that the greatest 
which labor has is ignorance, and that the only way to upr 
ignorance is to procure more knowledge, not knowledge oj 
superficial character, but knowledge of the power of men wo 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 167 


y in associated effort with the determination to do the greatest 
xd to the greatest number.—From report to International Fed- 
tion of Trade Unions, 1914. 


No man can carry on a great industry alone. No great for- 
ae has been amassed through the efforts of one individual. The 
nbined minds of all associated together in the industry, their 
jor power, their codperation and service are necessary to the 
of the undertaking. Is there a man so impervious to the 
ding forces of the world in which he lives as to point to any 
2 thing and say, “I, alone, did that?” Each of us is the 
a all the ages—none of us lives, acts, or thinks by himself 
ne. To ignore reality and to force upon the toilers a concept 
care isolation is to attempt to erect an opposition im- 
‘vious to the meaning of natural forces and conditions that can 
y dam them back until the accumulated force sweeps aside 
ything.—A merican Federationist, May, 1914. 
Nor do I believe, from my common observation of the plaster- 
_of America, or of the working people of America, that the 
iditions of the plasterers or the working people generally are 
to-day than they have ever been in the past. I glance 
und me here and I look into the faces of plasterers. I go 
gh the country and see plasterers at work, as well as plast- 
in conference and in meetings, and I have visited plasterers 
other workers in their homes, and I know that both in physi- 
development, and in mental attainment, and in their home 
, as regards their homes and surroundings, and the opportuni- 
s given their children to go to the schools, they are far in 
ce of the time when you and I, at their age, were at the 
Ories, in the work-shops, in the mills and in the mines. In 
respect have the conditions of the working people, and the 
os having kept pace with them, materially improved, both 
to development and physical betterment—From address a 
ative Plasterers’ Convention, Washington, D. C., September 


1914. 


March 4, 1915, President Wilson signed the seamen’s bill 
act to promote the welfare of American seamen, to promote 
ty at sea, and to abolish arrest and imprisonment as a pen- 


=a Se 


168 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


alty for desertion and to secure the abrogation of treaty pi 
visions in relation thereto. 

This is a law of international significance. It makes the s 
of America sacred land upon which no bondman may set f¢ 
without losing his fetters. 

The seamen’s legislation not only frees American seamen 
American soil but in all of the ports of the world, and bestows t 
same freedom upon the seamen of every vessel coming i 
American ports. The law abolishes the imprisonment pena 
that previously could be imposed upon any seaman for quitti 
work on his vessel in a foreign port, and releases American ¢ 
suls from their obligations to act as “slave catchers” for Am 
can ships in foreign ports. All parts of treaties which pro 
for the arrest and imprisonment of sailors and officers quitti 
foreign merchant vessels in American ports are abolished. 

The legislation provides for the regulation of hours of we 
and of the payment, allotment and attachment of wages. J 
establishes better and specific standards regulating the liv: 
quarters of the sailors and the provisions for their personal con 
fort and welfare. It requires better provisions for the saf 
of ali on board the vessel. Under the new legislation seamé 
have the right to demand an inspection of the vessel to test i 
seaworthiness. 

But the important change that has a revolutionary possibili 
is the section concerned with the qualifications of the sailors wl 
man the vessels. The qualifications for able seamen demand th 
those into whose hands is placed the safety of the human liy 
on the vessel, shall have skill, efficiency, resourcefulness. The 
are qualities of free men. This part of the law means th 
Americans will return to service on the sea, a service in whi, 
they earned great fame, and will again. Freedom, better cont 
tions, possibilities for increased betterment will establish Ame 
can standards necessary for American seamen. The seamej 
law, known for years as Andrew Furuseth’s bill, is one of 1 
great acts of legislation. It makes sacred those human rig} 
which are the very heart of human freedom. 


ra 
LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 169 


ies of international unions in Washington, 1906, the demand 
_ the seamen’s bill was given a conspicuous place. But all said 
nd done it is only a just appreciation to say that to Andrew 
uruseth is due the honor and the glory not only for the great 
iumph, but for the terrific contest. And what a contest it was 
‘scarcely in the power of any one to tell. 

The Seamen’s Act has a rightful place among those really im- 
tant American legislative acts that have dedicated our soil to 
eedom. It belongs with the emancipation proclamation of 
incoln and the legislative declaration of Congress, “That 1at_the 
Bor power of a human being is not a commodity or ar ficle of 
mmerce.” —American Federationist, April, 1915. 


fevery real advance in human freedom is a tremendous event 
| history. For this reason, we proclaim as one of the great 
islative declarations of all the ages this sentence in the Clay- 
m Anti-trust Act: The labor of a human being is not a com- 
Baty or article of commerce. 
The far-reaching revolutionary significance of that declara- 
is not fully grasped by all. It sweeps away legal precedents 
ad legal philosophy that have served to impede labor’s efforts 
) rid itself of all vestiges of the conditions and relations that 
isted when human workers were born slaves and held as slaves. 
| demolishes that structure of economic theory that had been 
ui t up upon the concept that human power to produce is a 
mmodity to be bought, owned and controlled by employers. 
‘The principle embodied in this legislative declaration will hu- 
anize legal and economic theories——American Federationist, 
ptember, 1gr5. 


Leisure instills the desire to travel, to see other parts. Leisure 
(itivates tastes for art, music, the concert, operas, the theater. 
mt the new opportunities availed of in any channel are no 
ager luxuries. The luxuries of the past have become the neces- 
sies of to-day, and all mankind agrees that in order that the 
prkers may be counted upon to continue their labor, the neces- 
pies of life must be assured them. It follows, therefore, that 
|make the luxuries of to-day the necessities of life for the 
MIrow—to continually raise the standard of life of the work- 
s—is in the highest degree sound economy; moral, social, and 


170 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


material progress in the interests of the workers is progress 
the interests of all—*From article prepared for Bureau of Lab 
Statistics of Michigan, 1896. 


Me Out in the world of labor and life the workers have put a ré 
meaning into the phrase, “The Dignity of Labor.” That reali 
has os created out of the power of the bones and sinews at 
the brains of those who work for wages and has been given c¢ 
crete form in our material civilization. They have given not o 
their working power, but they have broken their bones, mangl 
their flesh, spilled their blood, and have expended the best | 
life and spirit on the work of the world. It has given the di 

“ nity of labor a deeper and more permanent expression in ¢ 
ideals of humanity, justice and freedom, that the workers ha 
been made a part of the guiding and directing forces of of 
nation. Every day’s work has been a demonstration that t 
workers can and do do things. They supply the creative pow 
that is a necessary part of the processes of material produ 
tion. The work of their hands and brain is everywhere—buil| 
ings of industry and railroads that unite the distant parts | 
our country, the material agencies of transportation and cor 
munication, articles of daily food, use and wear, and in all | 
that which pertains to the material agencies of life and wo 
They have contributed something more than mechanical p 
ducing power. It is the mind and the insight controlling 
muscles of the workers that give them value as producers and 
members of society. . : 

The basis for representation and participation in the affa 
of organized society is man, not property. The purpose of soc 
organization is the furtherance of human rights, interests, ju 
tice and liberty—it seeks to achieve a beautiful ideal—the fy 
ness of life and opportunity for all. The workers, the mast 
of the people, therefore have a right to participate, and will ins 
upon this participation in the determination and control of | 
that concerns their lives and the lives of the generations yet 
come.—American Federationist, February, 1910. 


In the last twelve years the conditions of the working 
in the matter of wages, hours, conditions of employment, at 
while at work—in fact, all conditions that make for a better | 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 1171 


have improved more than they have during any other period 
among any other people in the history of the world. I say 
is despite the spirit of disappointment I feel because of the 
samingly slow progress made. ‘There is just resentment against 
nditions that deny to the workers the best possible opportu- 
fies of work and life, and out of that spirit of resentment there 
a movement of men and women who are pressing home upon 
wployers and society the greater rights and the greater op- 
rtunities to which the toilers of America are entitled. But 
cause of this impatient and resentful spirit of trades unionists, 
can not permit to go unchallenged the attempt that has been 
ide in the name of the Socialist party of America to aim a 
ath blow at the trades union movement. . 

The truth is that due to present abnormal conditions prices 
e risen, and are now abnormally high. You can not use this 
it year as a criterion, because everything has been disarranged; 
2 international commerce of the world has been disarranged 
d disorganized. At this moment comparisons are not fair 
her to one side or the other of any controversy. Disregarding 
is period of disorganization, the prices of the essentials have 
ae downward since 1870. ‘The fact of the matter is that we 
we so far enlarged our conception of what we call the neces- 
fies of life during the past thirty years that there is no way to 
mpare the standard of life of the worker of the past with the 
> of the worker to-day. Hours of labor have been shortened, 


dency towards safety and sanitation. The increase in wages 
ne has been of tremendous importance. .. . 


parmakers’ International Union of America] was 31 years, 4 


In 1890 the total age of 212 deceased members was reported 
‘7,943 years, making an average of 37 years and 6 months at 
he of death. 

tn 1900 the total age of 339 deceased members was reported 
4,762 years, making an average of 43 years and 6 months at 
ihe of death. 

[n 1910 the total age of 588 deceased members was reported 
29362 years, making an average of 49 years and 10 months 
(time of death, 


172 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


In rg11r the total age of 622 deceased members was repo 
aS 31,209 years, making an average of 50 years and 1 mont 
time of death. 

This shows an increase in the average length of the live 
members of 18 years, 8 months and 10 days since 1888, ¢ 
period of 23 years. 

In 1890 the average age of the members’ wives and moth 
who died was 38 years. 

In 1911 the average age of the members’ wives and mo 
who died was 48 years. 

This shows an increase of 10 years in the length of lives of 
wives and mothers of the members in a period of 21 years. 

I have not had an opportunity to ascertain accurate figures 
data of the other organizations, the other international and} 
tional unions of America, but I say this to you, gentlemen, will 
knowledge of the aoa that is carried with the sta 
ment, that the other organizations of labor, the other tr 
unions, can show as good, or nearly as good, and in some instan 
better results than I have quoted.—From testimony before 
gressional Committee, April 11, 1916, on resolution for a Ci 
mission on Social Insurance. 


If those of you who are of mature years will bring your mi. 
back, and, if you of more recent times, who may have read 
heard of conditions prevailing in the olden time, will imagine 
contrast when the doors of men and women in decent homes ¥ 
closed in the faces of the men who dared preach the gospel of 
rights of labor, and contrast that situation with now, this % 
ious era in which we live, when at the dedication of this mg 
ficent structure erected for service in the cause of labor, 
tice, freedom, and humanity, we find the President of this g/ 
Republic of ours adorning this occasion, with not only his =: 
ence, but the presence of members of his Cabinet, you will 
a marvelous change. From the time of slavery, when all 
workers, not only the blacks but the whites were slaves, when 
owner, the master, was lord of all, when there were none to 
to him nay against his overlordship over those men and wo 
workers whom he owned, from the time of serfdom to our i 
tions of industry of to- day, there has been a growth that | 
the mind. This is a wonderful age in which we are privilege 

4 
i 


LABOR’S PLACE IN MODERN PROGRESS 173 


live. There has been running through the course of history the 
struggle of the masses of the people, the hewers of wood and the 
drawers of water. Wherever injustice and tyranny were exer- 
cised, it was the masses, it was the people, the workers, who 
suffered. It was and is the mission of the masses of the people, 
it is the mission of the workers of our time, it is the mission of 
the much misunderstood and misrepresented organized labor 
movement, to carry on the work to its fulfillment so that the 
wonderful sentiment and view and rights declared in our Decla- 
ration of Independence, that man is endowed with certain in- 
alienable rights, and that among these are the right to life, liberty ' 
and the pursuit of happiness, shall not only be a declaration that 
was given to the world but shall establish a new status and a 
new concept of new rights of man. 

That declaration gave to us this Republic of ours with all its 
ppportunities and it is the purpose of the organized labor move- 


leclare. Men are not necessarily free because the Constitution 
muarantees freedom. Men are given the opportunities for free- 
Hom and they must, if they aim to be free, exercise the activities 
\hat come with intelligent free men.—From address at dedication 
of American Federation of Labor Building, Washington, D. C., 
Yuly 4, 1916. 


| The achievements of these thirty-six years of growth and 
ictivity are typified in the Labor Temple that was dedicated on 
Independence Day. The achievement of this purpose demon- 
Itrates that the labor movement is now a potential factor in 
ational life and has earned a place of responsibility and honor- 
ible recognition. Whatever of achievement and recognition has 
ee to the organized labor movement is the result of persistence 
Ind well-directed struggle against untold opposition. It speaks 
iomething for what has been accomplished that the President of 
he United States accepted the invitation to deliver the chief 
iddress made at the dedication of Labor’s Temple. Nor was 
he President alone in his desire to express his appreciation of 
Jhe significance and the importance of the labor movement. 
(here were present also the Vice-President of the United States, 


174 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


members of the President’s Cabinet, members of the United 
States Congress and other governmental officials— America 
Federationist, August, 1916. 


We are all here in this great melting pot of America. There 
is none of us who is going back to the old country to stay there. 
Our children are here. All our hope for the future is here. Ow 
sacred dead are here. The people of these United States are 
confronted with the great problem of self-government, not a 
government which can be overturned in the night and created 
anew in the morning. We do not and cannot have progressive, 
humanitarian, liberty-protecting government when government 
can be overturned in the twinkling of an eye or the turning of 
a hand. We want a government flexible, capable of improve= 
ment as our conscience and our intelligence quicken, as our 
understanding broadens and our hearts are touched with humani- 
tarian impulses, with the understanding and the desire to do the 
right, to help bear our brothers’ burdens, to recognize that the 
meanest among us is entitled to the consideration and the pro- 
tection of the strong, to do all that man can do for his fellows, 
to be willing to bear the burden and the responsibilities which 
are entailed in the doing of the right—From address accepting. 
the presidency of the American Alliance for Labor and Democ-, 
racy, Minneapolis, Minn., September 7, 1917. 


VII 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE TO 
SOCIALISM AND REVOLUTION 


SOCIALISM AND SOCIALIST TACTICS 


_ There are men—not so numerous now as they have been in 
che past—who are endeavoring to conquer the trades-union move- 
ment and subordinate it to those doctrines [socialism and com- 
nunism] and in a measure, in a few organizations, that condition 
of things exists, but by no means does it exist in the largest, most 
ferertul and best organized trade unions. There the view of 
hich I spoke just now, the desire to improve the condition of 
he workingmen by and through the efforts of the trades union, is 
jully lived up to. . . . The endeavors of which I have spakes: 
de by certain persons to conquer the trades unions in certain 
ses, are resisted by the trades unionists. . . . I believe that the 
istence of the trades-union movement, more especially where 
e unionists are better organized, has evoked a spirit and a de- 
and for reform, but has held in check the more radical elements 
i society—From testimony before United States Senate commit- 
ee upon the Relations between Capital and Labor (Henry W. 
air, chairman), August 18, 1883. 


Perhaps of all the enemies with whom the trade unions have to 
- there is no one more dangerous, and often villainous, 
han he who under the mask of sympathy with the toiler’s strug- 
de for justice sets forth a patent scheme and nostrum for the 
ediate and absolute remedy of all the ills to which the 
orkers areheir. 

The fact that the workers organize in unions and secure wages, 
liva antages and conditions of employment, which, without organ- 
tion, would never be conceded, is nothing to these economic 
thsayers and political healers. 


175 


ae 


176 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Should the trade union succeed in winning a strike and secu 
ing better conditions, the result is decried and the argument sé 
forth that this is deplorable, since, in their own vernacular, “ 
makes the working people contented with the present order ¢ 
society and Government,” hence is a hindrance to the full com 
prehension and introduction of their pet theory. On the oth 
hand, should the men lose a strike, it is immediately harped upo 
in a frantic effort to prove that the trade union is “old, effete 2 
impotent.” . 

The fact that in spite of the tremendous development of 
industry within the last few decades, the stupendous and ma 
velous discoveries and inventions of new forces and their appl 
cation to the industry and commerce of the country, the worke 
have not only forced concessions from the employing classe 
which have enhanced their condition materially, morally af 
socially, but more than that, gave the workers the great lesson | 
the power of organization, the self-sacrifice necessary at tim 
to achieve success, the mutual inter-dependence of workers iff 
order to attain their rights and establish a sympathy and reco 
nition of their identity of interests—all these count as nothing 
with the economic quack—American Federationist, April, 1891 


Our friends, the socialists, always when with us have an ex 
cellent conception of the trouble in our industrial life. The 
say, aS we say, and as every intelligent man or woman say 
that there are miseries which surround us. We recognize fl 
poverty, we know the sweatshop, we can play on every string 
of the harp, and touch the tenderest chords of human sympathy 
but while we recognize the evil and would apply the remedy, o 
socialist friends would look forward to the promised land, and 
wait for ‘‘the sweet by and by.” Their statements as to econom 
ills are right, their conclusions and their philosophy are 
askew. liz 

There has not been a legislative body before which the oth 
officers of the Federation or I myself have appeared, nor ai 
association of employers, nor individual employers with who 
we have met in conference but that we have been confronted wi 
this socialistic amendment, so called, which came near bei 
passed at New Orleans. It has made, and will make, our wo 
doubly difficult, because these employers have refused and | 


ra 
ae 
ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 177 


tefuse to confer for the adjustment of difficulties and disputes 
when they are led to believe by declaration that property is in 
danger of confiscation. 

| We have been asked how many trade unionists there are in 
‘Congress. I venture to say that there are more trade unionists 
in Congress and in our state legislatures holding clear cards than 
there are elsewhere in similar positions the world over. Do you 
suppose the socialists want trade unionists elected to Congress 
d to the legislatures? 

[Delegate J. Keyes. “No.”] 

Of course, no. Of course, Socialist Brother Keyes, “No.” I 
proud of you, Brother Keyes, for your honesty in admitting 
t. But what Brother Keyes has just admitted on the floor is 
ery true of every other socialist in the convention. As a matter 
fact, wherever there has been a trade unionist candidate for 
y political office if there have been half a dozen socialists in 
wn they have always tried to defeat the trade unionists. 

Now, there has been a remark made about the passage of the 
lilitary law by Congress. I agree it would have been a good 
ing if we could have prevented the passage of that law, but 
delegate said that if we even had a minority in Congress it 
ld not have become law. I point him to the fact that in 
any they have the largest number of any party in the 
liament of that country, and yet they have the most tyrannical 
itary laws of any country on the globe. .. . 

I am not with your party because I want to be in line with 
e declaration that the trade union policy, the movement and 
work, must be unhampered by your political nostrums. 

When the socialists formed the American Labor Union in 
alry to the A. F. of L., I took occasion to continually say in 
he American Federationist that it was but another attempt to 
another socialist trade and labor alliance without its prac- 
cal courage to openly declare its enmity to the American trade 
ion movement. 

Is it not a fact that no matter what we achieve, we are be- 
ttled by the socialists? Even the Labor Day we have achieved 
ir all the people of our country—the proposition comes in here 
) abolish it and to make Labor Day in line with the Labor Day 
f continental Europe, May 1st. The A. F. of L. in 1889 
ddressed a letter to the French workingmen, suggesting to them 


178 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


to celebrate the first of May when the carpenters were to inaugu- 
rate the eight-hour day; and from that suggestion, made by yo 
humble servant, they have made the first of May of each yea 
their holiday, and how do they celebrate it, usually on th 
Sunday before or the Sunday after. They take no holiday, bul 
they sometimes celebrate in the evening of May Ist. 

In no country on the globe has labor ever taken a day f 
itself without asking consent, or begging or apologizing for itsel 
except in this country. And yet the socialists want us to giv 
up our own Labor Day and celebrate on May tst, I suppose i 
the evening. 

The secretary of the Socialist Party has severed his connectio 
with the reformed (?) Socialist Party, because of his being o 
posed to the hostile tactics of that party to the trade unions 
and, being at heart a trade unionist, he was forced out of 
position. Since that time he has given to the world the r 
reasons why he was forced out—because he dared to stand up i 
defense of trade unions and against the policy of antagonizing 
the trade unions and hoisting up the American Labor Union. — 

Is it not true, to a very great extent, that your socialistic 
American Labor Union, except the miners and a very few others 
is made up very largely of expelled members of the trade unions 
who broke faith with their fellow-workmen? Do you socialists 
here deny it? Your official papers say so, and your socialist 
organizers’ reports admit it. Are your socialist unions not boy- 
cotting the International Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union label 
and the International Papermakers’ Union label, and other inter- 
national unions, and where they do not boycott them, hold the 
threat over the heads of some other unions, compelling them 
either to submit, or forcing them to waver in their fealty and 


loyalty to the movement? ‘\ 
The Cigarmakers’ Union of Denver has had this condition of 
things confront it. They were threatened with a socialist boycott 
of their label, and their president and those poor fellows, many 
of whom can not labor elsewhere, must submit to the dictates 
the socialist organization, for they have no other alternativi 
except to get out of Denver. Because they can not otherwist 
work and support themselves, they must submit, or be boycottet 
by socialists out of the beneficent climate of Denver, and drive 
elsewhere, to pine away from the ravages of that dread dia 


Rete Pesci 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 179 


from which so many suffer and by reason of which they sought 
that climate for the relief afforded. 

Men of labor, if you were in the office of the A. F. of L. for a 
time and you knew the things that transpire in the labor move- 
ment in a general and in a specific way—for they are all focussed 
there, and we know what is going on and we know the enemies 
of the labor movement—you would have your opinion clear cut 
upon this subject. Why, we have spent more money in organizing 
in Colorado itself than in any other state, notwithstanding that, 
industrially considered, it ought to cost very little. 

I want to tell you socialists that I have studied your philos- 
ophy; read your works upon economics, and not the meanest of 
them; studied your standard works, both in English and German 
—have not only read, but studied them. I have heard your 
orators and watched the work of your movement the world over. 
I have kept close watch upon your doctrines for thirty years; 
have been closely associated with many of you, and know how 
you think and what you propose. I know, too, what you have 
up your sleeve. And I want to say that I am entirely at variance 
with your philosophy. I declare it to you, I am not only at 
variance with your doctrines, but with your philosophy. 
| Economically, you are unsound; socially, you are wrong; 
ndustrially, you are an impossibility—From address at Boston 
meron of A. F. of L., December, 1903. 

The natural organization of the wage-earners; the historic 
development of associated effort of the toiling masses; the work 
of years and years; the only concentrated movement of the 
rrkn people of our time that has brought the toiling masses 
ut of the slough of misery and despond; the organization that 
iorms the only barrier for their protection against modern greed 
ind avarice, and which has placed us in the splendid position of 
antage we now enjoy—the trade unions—these have been de- 
ried and denounced by men who, hiding their villainy and 
ypocrisy under the cloak of friendship for labor, bombastically 
eclared and now boast that our unions must be disrupted, 
ivided, and destroyed. 

And what the reason? Because the American trade union 
ovement declines to permit itself to become committed to a 
culative, theoretical doctrine; declines the domination of our 


180 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


movement by fantastical doctrinaires; declines to be made a 
to the kite of a political party, the head and front of which are 
out of touch and out of real sympathy with the struggles, thi 
hopes, the real aspirations of the toiling masses in their effort t 
attain practical, tangible results in a rational and natura 
movement. ih 

And what the purpose? That in the destruction of the onl 
genuinely protective organization of the working people the 
may become abjectly powerless, either to protect or promote 
their economic interests. The fool hope is entertained that i 
their desperation the impoverished workmen will inaugurate ¢ 
physical force revolution and confiscate all property. In anothe 
way it is a repetition of the appeal and advice to the workers t 
“be content with their lot” here and now, and postpone thei 
effort for material improvement to the sweet bye and bye of th 
hereafter. Quite apart from the consideration of either th 
unsoundness or impracticability of their philosophy and doe 
trines, the whole history of man testifies to this one fact, the 
the more impoverished a people are, or become, the less capable 
and the less inclined are they to defend their interests and their 
rights; the less qualified are they to conceive them, defend them) 
or, if necessary, contend and fight for them. 

There are but two hypotheses upon which can be explained 
the conduct of those who endeavor to engineer the scheme Of 
trade union disruption; one, that they are incompetent derelicts 
on the industrial sea, a constant menace to the trade union crafts} 
or, second, that they are in league with the worst elements @i 
antagonistic capitalism to render as effective service as they cam 
to try and confuse, diffuse, pervert, and make trade union activity 
the least possibly effective-——From Annual Report to A. F. of L 
Convention, Pitisburgh, Pa., November, 1905. 


of America. The Central Labor Union of New York City 
dominated by the socialist political party, surrendered its charte 
to the A. F. of L. Later, desirous of retrieving its mistake, th 
C. L. U. made application for a charter, which was refuse 
because the socialist political party was represented in the centra 
body. Upon this issue, the socialists determined to make thei 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 181 


ight upon the A. F. of L. They planned to make a great on- 
laught upon the A. F. of L. convention at Detroit. The party 
eaders came with the backing of the political socialists of 
imerica for the purpose of dominating the convention, and forc- 
ng an economic organization to recognize the right of a delegate 
f a political party to representation in its deliberations. . . . 
The central body of New York receded from its position, 
xcluded the representatives of the socialist political party from 
epresentation and applied for a charter. The charter was then 
ranted, and the New York Central Federated Union has been 
n entire harmony and cordial relations with the A. F. of L. 
rom that day to this. That ended the effort of the socialist 
olitical party to secure direct representation as a party in the 
ouncils of the A. F. of L. or in its central bodies. . . . 
“In 1893, Mr. Eugene V. Debs, while an officer of the Brother- 
ood of Locomotive Firemen, accepted the presidency of the 
o-called American Railway Union and worked with might and 
jain for the extermination of all the railroad brotherhoods, the 
ona fide unions of the railway workers. Mr. Debs was sup- 
orted in his efforts by the socialist political party of the country, 
thich endorsed the new organization. 
‘Later, Mr. Debs having failed in this one object, he dissolved 
American Railway Union and established the so-called 
erican Labor Union, with the avowed purpose of crushing the 
erican trade union movement as comprehended and under- 
tood by the wage-earners united in the A. F. of L. In this 
purse of action he had the fullest support of the socialist politi- 
party of America. Because the political partyites who claimed 
) be inspired by utopian ideals but condescended to the political 
tices of machine politics of the type used by corrupt poli- 
cians, were still unable to dominate the American labor move- 
ent and harness it to their political kite, they undertook to 
ize an economic movement that would be all their own and 
efore pliant and usable. Then the socialist political party 
tered the economic field Ss the workers were already or- 
and began “to organize.” 
The so-called Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance was launched 
ith the open declaration that it was to destroy and drive out 
{ existence the A. F. of L., and to supplant it by their high 
punding titled organization. That, too, went by the board. 


182 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


In 1905 was formed the preposterous Industrial Workers 6 
the World, and again the “trade union movement was doome¢ 
The same socialist representatives who had taken the initiati 
in every effort to break down trade unionism assembled for th 
creation of this new enemy masquerading as a movement of th 
workers of the world. But these artificialities could 
be engrafted upon the healthy, normal American trade 
movement. # 

The socialist political party adherents openly declared an 
fondly hoped that this newest effort would surely within a ver 
brief time disintegrate the trade union movement, the A. F. of I 
How these conglomerations, these fantastic vaporescences—th 
creations of the fervid brains of the socialist political party 1 
ers—fared, is history too well known to be recounted here. 

Less than a year ago, Mr. Eugene V. Debs made a sti 
appeal for the disruption of the A. F. of L., addressing hi 
to the United Mine Workers of America and to the Weste 
Federation of Miners, exhorting them to withdraw from the / 
F. of L. and to set up a rival organization to it. 4 

But neither the irritating, pin-pricking tactics of the soci 
politicians’ local assaults and disrupting methods, personal a 4 
tacks upon and vilifications of trade unionists, nor vulture-lik 
attacks upon the labor movement, have prevented the rom 
and the forward progress of the A. F, of L. 

For more than thirty years the socialist political party in or 
form or another never halted, never stopped, in the effort eithi 
to capture the A. F. of L., the trade union movement, or, in tl 
language of the street, “to ‘put it in a hole.” 

After being frustrated in the effort at direct representation ( 
the party in the A. F. of L., proposition after proposition wi 
introduced in order to commit the organization to socialist pol 
cies. For fully fifteen years, at each successive convention | 
the A. F. of L., socialist representatives sought to fasten up¢ 
the movement a declaration favoring state socialism, the gover r 
ment to be the employer, the workers to enlist to toil in gover 
mental employment wearing industro-political straitjackel 
To quote again Brand Whitlock’s trenchant remark, “Soci 
would provide for everything except freedom.” Beaten at 
halted by the discussion and the unfailing discernment and u 
compromising decisions of the delegates to the conventions 


| ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 183 


e general labor movement of America, this pretentious effort 
if the socialist political party failed to fasten its tentacles upon 
jur movement. ... 
_ Because the officers of the labor movement endeavored to bring 
t gospel of labor to large employers with a view of reaping 

me advantage to the toilers of our country, they were made 
he object of vicious and defamatory attacks. The socialist poli- 
icians tried to create the impression that their efforts to further 
he welfare of the workers were efforts to work in collusion with 
mployers of labor. The charge, no matter how often and insis- 

mtly repudiated by the leaders of the labor movement of our . 
icy, was repeated with ever-increasing virulence. Over and 
ver in written and spoken statements I have repeatedly asserted 

t there was not and could not be harmony of interests between 
orkmen and employers, but that has not stopped willful mis- 
presentation. If any reader doubts what I here aver, ask any 

jalist politician. 
| The socialist politicians knew well that there was no ground 
r charges and insinuations of insincerity or faithlessness on 
ae part of the American trade unionists, but they predicated 
1eir campaign of misrepresentation and vilification upon the 
d concept that if mud is thrown often enough and in sufficient 
uantities, the hope may be entertained that some of it will 
ick. 
But hopes and concepts in this direction have miscarried and 
campaign of opposition was then changed to another tack. 
his time it was to raise the hue and cry for so-called “Industrial 
Mionism, one big union.” And this doctrine was harped upon 
season and out of season for several years in the effort to have 
e American trade union movement disrupt organizations which 
ve done so much for the toilers in improving their standards 
id conditions of life, and follow a will-o’-the-wisp. . . . 
In the New York Cail (socialist paper), April 8, 1910, Robert 
unter said: 


“We ought never to have derided the unions, jeered at their every 
kness or chuckled over their every mistake. That was the first 
or, and a terrible one. It was the error the Germans made at first, 
#hough they soon squared themselves. And it is a fact that in no 
er country has this error persisted as it has in America, and it is 
© a fact that if we continue to persist in this error we shall create 
situation which will put socialism back many years.” 


y 


184 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Morris Hillquit, hailed by all socialists as the most brill 
socialist of to-day, in the New York Call of December 12, 1909, 
said: 
of being a working-class movement, minus the working class, and our 
main efforts must be to remove that anomaly. Our efforts to enlist 
the support of the working class must necessarily be directed in the 
first place to the organized portion of it. And whatever may be sai 
to the contrary, our party has never made sustained and rational efforts 
to win the friendship of these organized workmen. Much of our 
and energies in the past have been wasted in the effort to capture f 
trade union movement bodily; in a few instances we have been led 
the folly of attempting to reorganize it, going to the extent of cr 
ing rival organizations and at times have meddled and interfered w 
their internal affairs. We have often tried to coax, cajole, and brow 
beat the trade unions into socialism.” , 


In the Call of December 11, 1909, William English Wallir ; 
declared that: | 


“The Socialist Party has become a hissing and a by-word with th 
actual wage-workers of America. It has become a party of two 
tremes. On the one side are a bunch of intellectuals like myself an 
Spargo and Hunter and Hillquit; on the other is a bunch of ‘never 
works,’ demagogues and would-be intellectuals, a veritable lumpen pre 
letariat. The actual wage-workers, the men who are really fighting th 
class struggle, are outside. Above all else we must have the union 
No one has denounced the defects of the A. F. of L. more than | 
but I am forced to recognize that it comes much nearer representin, 
the working class than the Socialist Party and unless we are abl 
to so shape our policies and our organization as to meet the demand 
and incarnate the position of the workers we will have failed of ou 
mission.” a 


Day,” 1915. 


A staff writer of the New York Giornale Italiano (socialist) 
after giving in full the municipal program of the Prussian sc 
cialists, as adopted at their congress this winter—a prograt 
which calls for democratic administration, home rule, lay school! 
the higher education, health laws, free public libraries, com 0} 
stations, public baths, playgrounds, slaughter houses, and mit 
nicipal “utilities” in general—records this sober protest: i 

If it is true that to arrive at the socialistic society it is recess 
abolish private property and establish the socialization of the means « 
production and exchange (the work of demolishing the present si 
ciety, in which all the so-called revolutionary parties agree, thoug 
they may divide on reconstructive ideas), in what relation to t 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 185 


rinciples stand all the demands contained in this Prussian program? 
2rogram of reforms, aye; of change in the existing social institutions, 
ending to their preservation, very well; but a socialistic program, no, 
inless it is accepted in good faith that the Socialist Party has become 
1 radical-conservative party (in spite of the apparent contradiction in 
erms of this dual name), renouncing its old original program, by 
hich alone it can have the right still to call itself socialist. 


Precisely! Leader [Robert] Hunter’s dilemma, in the light 
Mf this criticism from an intransigeant socialist, becomes a repre- 
‘ition of the dilemma in which the doctrinaire socialists of Ger- 

any found themselves years ago upon several successive epoch- 
making occasions for their party. As revolutionary politicians 
they had long frowned upon the “mere palliative” reform meas- 
ares of trade unions and other forces and elements in every com- 

unity of every country. But working-class reformers, without 
ind within their ranks, who refused to starve or deteriorate ac- 
tording to orthodox socialist doctrine of evolution or devolution, 
tompelled them to take up with, notably, trade unionism, codpe- 
tation, and municipal betterments. That is, many German 
jalists, like sensible men, fell in line with a progressive evolu- 
fionary program which rapidly led to an increased well-being for 
he masses in their country—with the social cataclysm gradually 
slegated to the domain of Mother Shipton’s prophecies. 
—American Federationist, April, 1910. 


| Once that our present society has gathered momentum in an 
pward direction, sound reason exists to doubt both Marx’s 
nosis that society is inevitably passing through a revolution 
letermined by the laws of materialist evolution and his prophecy 
of a coming economic order based on “socialized” ownership and 
yperation of the means of production, distribution, and exchange 
land and capital. Every stage gained in amelioration for the 
masses, every introduction of an uplifting social principle and 
process, every remedy established in correcting faulty institu- 
ions, every movement of the working class itself that brings to 
t an increasing share of the wealth produced, every statute that 
oosens the monopolistic grip of the privileged classes on law- 
making, on the raw materials of nature, or on those forms of 
so-called capital which are but legalized tribute capitalized—all 
such steps picture an accelerating momentum of society in a 
movement away from Marx’s prophesied necessity for an over- 


186 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


turning of the fundamental principles of our existing soc 
Order. e's i. | 

When the foundation of Marx’s theories—the idea of surplu 
value—is demonstrably an error, when, on the contrary, the pos 
sibilities for the arrival of the working-classes at a general plan 
that will permit the full development of manhood become e¢ 
tainties, his ingeniously worked out correlatives of this first pri 
ciple have no more value than the imaginings of any other guesse 
at probabilities for the future. His time-wage system, his ¢ 
operative commonwealth, and especially his notions as to religio 
and the family, then take their place with the fanciful divag: 
tions of Jules Verne and H. G. Wells when fashioning their pe 
fect new worlds out of this unlovely old one-—American Feder 
tionist, June, 1910. 


Acting as they have done in every other crisis of union labt 
the socialists have employed the McNamara incident, with 
dénouement, simply for the purpose of partisan propaganda. 4 
usual, they have principally used it as a basis for renewed clam¢ 

a . * 
against Samuel Gompers, as representing what they denoun 
as “rank conservatism.” George R. Lunn, socialist Mayor 4 
Schenectady, declared himself thus :“It means the end of ft 
American Federation of Labor, or, at any rate, a complete revol 
tion within the organization, and the Waterloo of Gompers 
The Literary Digest has this: ‘John Spargo, a member of @ 
National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, denounc 
Gompers and other union leaders as ‘men whose teaching 
evitably lead to the kind of thing to which the McNamaras hay 
confessed, however clean their own hands may be from crime.’ 
The Digest article continues: M4 


ql 


“Violence, says A. M. Simons, editor of the Coming Nation (socie 
ist), ‘is a logical result of an attempt to wage the class struggle wit 
out the ballot. Fred D. Warren, editor of the Appeal to Reas: 
(socialist), asserts that ‘had the McNamara brothers understood t 
philosophy of socialism they would never have resorted to deeds 


violence in the hope of benefiting the oppressed poor.’ ” b 


ei 


In accordance with the socialist program, the Chicago Di 
Socialist, gave prominence to the following by Allen Cook: f 
“The working class must tear themselves away from the fake 1 


ers who are betraying them into the hands of their enemies. Gompé 
and Mitchell and other fake leaders advise them to vote for capitalis 


f 
i 
i 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 187 


and then raise a great ‘hue and cry’ when capitalism starts to carry 
gut its program. These fake leaders coax and drive the working peo- 
gle into the shambles and then pretend to pity them while they are 
eing slaughtered. The worst enemies that the working class have 
nm America are the fake labor leaders and the fake labor papers which 
shout unionism from the housetops and then advise the working men 
0 yote a scab, capitalistic ticket. Many of these fake leaders receive 
ay from capitalistic sources. Some of them have been members and 

now members of the Civic Federation, organized by J. Pierpont 
Morgan, Belmont and Mark Hanna for the purpose of destroying the 
abor unions. Some of these fake labor leaders are supported by 
money received from capitalistic sources. These fake labor leaders 
und papers advise the working people to lick the hand that smites them 
ind to fondle at the foot that stamps them into the earth.” 


Eugene V. Debs, in the January /nternational Socialist Review, 
m “The McNamara Case and the Labor Movement,” thus re- 

ponds to a tip as to the tactics to be adopted by the socialists 
n their comments on the dynamiting incident: 


cnc that the McNamaras are guilty of all they are charged 
ith in the way of dynamiting buildings and bridges, their acts are 
logical outcome of the impotency and hopelessness of the craft 
orm of unionism, typified by Samuel Gompers and his official asso- 
tes in the American Federation of Labor, .and of which the con- 
emned men are faithful disciples and loyal devotees.” 


| Yet Mr. Debs has this passage in the same article: 


“Under the ethical code of capitalism the slaying of workingmen 
ho resist capitalism is not murder, and as a workingman I absolutely 
fuse to condemn men as murderers under the moral code of the 
pitalist class for fighting according to their light on the side of the 
rking class. If the McNamara brothers had been corporation de- 
ives and had shot dead twenty-one inoffensive union pickets, instead 
£ placing dynamite under the Los Angeles Times, they would have 
n protected by the law and hailed by admiring capitalists as heroes.” 


. Mr. Debs’ declaration in regard to the McNamaras suggests a 
bstantial agreement of his views, at times, with those of 
illiam D. Haywood. A few weeks ago, in Cooper Union, New 
ork, Haywood, now an organizer of the socialist Industrial 
orkers of the World, declared, in a speech: 


“Can you wonder that I despise the law? I understand the class 
le. I am not a law-abiding citizen. More than that, I do not 
e€ you here ought to be law-abiding citizens... . The McNamara 

ys, who went to San Quentin out of Los Angeles, know what the 

struggle means. They knew and for that reason my heart is with 

... And again I repeat, J am with the McNamaras and always 

be. Let us socialists be frank. We want to overthrow the capi- 

system, and establish in its place an industrial democracy. Why 

h say we are law-abiding? I believe in coercion. . . . Workingmen 

no country. There are no foreigners among the workers, except 


188 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


one kind only. These lone foreigners are the capitalists, and they ride 
us harder and harder every year. Socialism means we will have ther 1 
off our backs, and our industrial organization should be a fine, defen 
sive fighting ‘machine. Better no organization of any kind than one 
that makes contracts to lie dead for a year or three years, and be out 
of the struggle. You know if we had this organization we could pro 
tect our lives at work, shorten our hours, and finally declare a gen 
eral lockout, backed up by armed warfare against the capitalists. Tr 
it, fellow- workers. You have only your chains to lose and a world 
to Sate } 


Victor Berger, in a signed article, “Should Be Prepared to 
Fight for Liberty at All Hazards,” in the Milwaukee Social Dem= 
ocratic Herald, July 31, 1909 (which was copied in the Chicago 
Daily Socialist, August 31, 1909), thus gave the world his views 
as to violent revolutionary methods: 


“No one will claim that I am given to the reciting of ‘revolutionary’ 
phrases. On the contrary, I am known to be a ‘constructive’ socialist, 
However, in view of the plutocratic law-making of the present day, it 
is easy to predict that the safety and hope of this country will finally 
lie in one direction only—that of a violent and bloody revolution, 
Therefore, I say, each of the 500,000 socialist voters, and of the two 
million working men who instinctively incline our way, should, b 
sides doing much reading and still more thinking, also have a goo 
rifle and the necessary rounds of ammunition in his home and be pre- 
pared to back up his ballot with his bullets if necessary. This mz 
look like a startling statement. Yet I can see nothing else for t 
American masses to-day. The working class of this country is bei 
pushed hopelessly downward. We must resist as long as resistance 
is possible. . . . Besides, there is now no hope for any protection for 
the working class in this country. Protection for the plutocrat, the 
exploiter and big thief—is the watchword i in Washington, D. C., and in 
every Legislature and court of record in the United States. Our 
United States Senators of the Aldrich and Lodge type, honestly be: 
lieve that the American people, and particularly the working class, are 
existing solely for the purpose of being exploited by our ruling class 
Exploited once as producers by creating surplus values for their maa 
ters who own the production, then exploited again as consumers, 


or that any reasonable pee can ever be brought about by the hallo 01 
in the end. I predict that a large part of the capitalist class will bi! 
wiped out for much smaller things than the settling of the great socia 
question. That before any settlement is possible, most of the pluto 


completely 'as the feudal lords and their retinue disappeared during 
the French revolution. That can not be done by the ballot, or by onl 
the ballot. The ballot may not count for much in a pinch. And i 
order to be prepared for all emergencies, socialists and working et 
should make it their duty to have rifles and the necessary rounds @ 
ammunition at their homes, and be prepared to back up their ball 

with their bullets if necessary.” f 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 189 


Nor need we quote the expressions within the recent years as 
to the attitude of socialists regarding violence. During the So- 
cialist Congress at The Hague in 1872, Karl Marx said: 


“In most countries in Europe violence must be the lever of our 
social reform. We must finally have recourse to violence in order to 
establish the rule of labor. The revolution must be universal.” 


But to return to more recent socialist utterances from one of 
which I shall quote. The Socialist Cail, of New York, December 
5, 1911, published an editorial covering nearly the entire page, 
under the caption, “The Silencing of Samuel.’ I shall quote a 
few choice morsels: 


“Tt is true that the policy he (Gompers) championed—despite his 

repudiation of violence—ultimately and inevitably generates the Mc- 
amara type in the ranks of organized labor.... 

“Tt is true that Mr. Gompers advocated peaceful measures, but at 
the same time he championed a policy that in the last extremity made 
peaceful methods impossible. 

_ “Tt can not be explained by your (Gompers) ludicrous theory that 
e dynamiters were ‘crazy.’ That at once invites the retort that the 
olicy laid down for them by organized labor—your policy—was un- 
workable, and drove them crazy—that such lunacy is contagious. 

|... “And even if you (Gompers) were the latter (a martyr), the 

sacrifice is in vain, for you can not prevent your tormentors from 
sing this incident to practically DESTROY THE UNIONS.” 


Reader, do you observe the declaration, the expressed belief, 
e hidden wish, that labor’s enemies will practically “destroy 
the unions?” 
And now, this additional sentence from the same editorial in 
he Call: 
> “You (Gompers) may rest assured that your policy will from time 
0 time produce such exponents of ‘principle’ as the McNamaras, de- 


pite your feeble assurance that organized labor is not responsible for 
em. 


_ Read the utterances of Kirby, Parry, Post, Burns, Drew, and 

e rest of their ilk; read the attacks of the worst enemies in the 
apitalist press, and compare the identity with socialist thought 
nd language. 

In the foregoing hodge-podge of socialistic rant, whether the 
eaders of socialism are in one breath calling for blood or in 
nother washing their hands of it, the one thought usually sure 
© come out is that the policies of American trade unionism are 

atterly misleading and ruinous to labor and that the source of 


190 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


these policies is Gomperism. This cry comes from the socialists 
as we have said, on every occasion when they find an opportunity 
to get in a blow at the unions. Some of the socialist leaders ar 
members of trade unions, but in no instance are they trad 
unionists. They are fanatical, and therefore unscrupulous, s¢ 
cialistic vote-hunters. They are trying to supplant the trade 
union movement by a mass voting machine. As results of thei 
manifold attempts to attain this purpose, they can sum up a fey 
discreditable points of disgraceful success in a total failure. By 
have, to wit, found themselves simultaneously with Otis, Kirby 
Post & Co., attacking trade unionism and knifing its officials; 


men,” confused the public mind with respect to labor’s 
policies and demands; they have, on the occasion of several larg 
strikes, especially among unskilled or unorganized wage-workers 


trade union sentiment that supports efforts to reach agreemen 
in practical matters of hours, wages, and conditions, which mig] 
be arranged between the two sides of the labor market in t& 
occupation or industry immediately interested. And yet, witl 
all their frothy and fiery propaganda, their party—or parties— 
are continually in a state of internal disturbance and dissensio) 
and their leaders lost in fifty-seven varieties of utopian dream}, 
All told, the net effect of their wish and their ceaseless endeavot 
to tear the trade unionism of this country to pieces is seen in fh 
fact that the membership in the American trade unions | 
increased hundreds of thousands every year. Since the McNa 


a. 


) 


mara confessions there has not been the slightest defection frot 
the ranks of the unions. 4 

All the errors and faults of trade unionism in the eyes ¢ 
socialists fall within the limits of a single crime. That crime. 
that the American Federation of Labor refuses to become the fa: 
to the socialistic kite. The socialist leaders know full well the! 
there is no truth otherwise in their arraignment of the trade unio; 
movement and of trade union officials. They know that in t ac 
unionism there is positively no “Gomperism,” no fatuous cor 
servatism that refuses consideration to radical ideas, no ent 
gling alliance with capitalism, no respect for the unearned wi 
of plutocracy, no thought of putting on the brakes against pri, 
gressive thought, no compromise with the spirit that is blin 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 1gi 


the advances of the times toward economic justice, no “chloro- 
forming” of any thought or sentiment that points to a speedy 
evolution of society—aye, even on upward to the millennium. 
—American Federationist, February, 1912. 


The tendency among alleged revolutionary party parliamentary 
representatives in France, Germany, Italy, England, and Austria, 
has of recent years been to sink revolution and to take up with 
reform. Practical socialism has plainly become in those countries 
a step-by-step progressiveness. Its main efforts have been given 
to promoting the education of the masses in the public schools, 
advocating the cause of universal suffrage, eliminating aristo- 
cratic privilege, joining with other parties in the separation of 
‘Church and State, and preaching theoretically the suppression of 
militarism while in fact quite uniformly acting in accordance 
with the dictates of patriotism. . . . 

It may be accurately said, broadly, that some of the political 
labor parties which started out in Europe during the last half 
century with proclamations of intention to accomplish the com- 
plete overturn of society show to-day, by their campaign printed 
matter, by the speeches of their members of Parliament, and by 
‘the declarations of their conventions, that much of their time is 
now taken up with immediate demands of a character which in 

merica would mostly be but echoes of our own pre-revolutionary 
grievances. Our Government and our society have reached a 
tage further along in democracy’s development. And, by the 
Way, compared with the proclaimed approaching tremendous up- 
heaval of society, announced in the manifestoes of the early 
apostles of revolutionary parliamentarism, the actual proposals 
f the radical parties before the parliaments of the various Euro- 
an nations generally indicate huge satisfaction with the capture 
f comparatively very small game.—American Federationist, 
ay, 1912. 


Our civilization is on so large a scale, and is so complicated, 
at organization is essential to attaining desired results. But 
}real progress is dependent upon whether the organization is sub- 
[servient to and utilized by the individual, or the individual is 
ominated by the system. This is the great menace of socialism 
nd socialistic proposals that would reduce differences between 


192 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


individuals to the minimum and manage the universe by a cat 
index system. Organization is necessary, as the workers hay 
good reason to know. But organization must be made the instru 
ment which serves the purposes of individuals and which enable 
them to attain their fullest development. .. . 

There are many wrongs in the world, but to claim they can be 
righted by suppressing individual initiative by national or world 
organization of endeavor, products, and methods is to take the 
heart out of things. What we need to do is to cease warping 
lives of individuals and to allow them space and opportunity te 
live, move, and possess their own consciences. Give to every 
person who performs work that satisfies a social need wages an¢ 
conditions which will enable him to be his best self and he wil 
not need a society to conserve his conscience. First give th 
individual a chance before taking from him that which woul 
leave him poor indeed.—American Federationist, November 


1913. ; 


| 

I believe it is the duty of man to make his life and that of hi 
fellows better to-day—to-day, not in the remote future, but te 
day—that he may be better prepared, by reason of his improve 
conditions, to meet the human problems that will confront hit 
to-morrow. That policy is diametrically opposed to the prin 
ciples enunciated by Karl Marx in his work on socialism—“Da 
Kapital.” | 
About twenty-seven years ago I undertook to learn the Germa 
language for the purpose of reading ‘Das Kapital” of Karl Mar’ 
in the original, and I have read the very best of what the philos 
phers and writers on socialism have had to say, as I have rea 
and tried to digest that which the best economists of the pai 
three hundred years have had to say. Without egotism, and’ 
hope little if any vanity, I will say I came to the conclusion mar 
_ years ago thatjit is our duty to live our lives as workers in fl 
society in which we live and not to work for the downfall or tl 
destruction or the overthrow of that society, but for its full! 
development and evolution, that life may be the better wor 
the living; and if in the course of that effort some men are inco; 
venienced, then it is not to be ascribed to the failure of th 
natural and evolutionary movement, but rather to the credit 
that movement, because it is the great conservator of the pea 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 193 


ind of the public welfare—From abstract of testimony before 
Fouse Lobby Investigation Committee, Washington, D. C., De- 
ember, 1913. 


Mr. Sinclair is sadly behind the times. He has, with the 
tubbornness of a zealot, closed his ears to the mature conclu- 
jons formed by a competent majority in all countries relative 
o the revolutionary program which, in making the seductive cir- 
uit of hot radicalisms, he has recently given support. These 
onclusions in brief are: The postulates for his socialistic propo- 
itions—increasing misery, concentrated monopoly, the passing 
Mf power from the many to the few—are errors fully disposed of 
n all our civilization by rapidly accumulating data; his views 
“i present social conditions arise from recklessly distorting fact 
hrough habitually magnifying the evil and minimizing the good; 
ime has exploded the recorded woeful prophecies of his party 
ounders; his pessimistic philosophy, with its teachings of im- 
vending violent social upheaval, has been rejected by the normal 
aind, even among the German socialists, as a mental poison and 
ocial dry-rot, and his proposed codperative commonwealth has 

tedly been voted down by the English voluntary codpe- 
rs, well aware that its tyranny would be worse than any 
utocracy ever known to the world, inevitably annihilating the 
of personal independence and character. . . . 
Take Mr. Sinclair’s gibe at us (Samuel Gompers) as being 
isturbed over the jail sentences which are hanging over his 
.” Mr. Sinclair’s habit of misstatement could not permit 
im to refer correctly even to the facts in this case. The case in 
uestion illustrates clearly the difference between socialist pro- 
re and trade union procedure in this country in a contest 
wr the rights of the citizen as against encroachments by the 
The socialists would have treated the case as a cause 
or party propaganda, for denouncing existing society, and for 
@manding revolution. The trade unionists, who believe that all 
ge rights of citizenship, all the rights of human beings, can be 
ed under our Republic, have conducted the case to protect 
titutional rights. The result has been not only a series of 
ctories in the courts themselves but the education of the whole 
untry and the consequent support of a host of non-wage-work- 
g Americans for the cause of the American Federation of Labor. 


194 | LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Observe the procedure of the courts in this case: A sweepi 
injunction; a revision of this injunction by a higher court whic 
wiped out all the inhibitions except two; a jail sentence for thr 
union officials; an elimination of the jail sentences of two 6 
these officials, with a reduction of the third from a year to % 
month; an opinion of one of the three judges that no crime 

been committed: a rejection by the United States Supreme Cour 
of the findings of all the lower courts; a retrial with an outcom 
that leaves hardly anything of the original charges, inhibitions 
penalties, or powers of the courts. Meanwhile throughout th 
country has developed a public opinion which regards the cas 
as the test and criterion for all similar ones, which marks rE 
revolution in the attitude not only of the public at large but o 
the majority of the bar and bench relative to the powers if 
had been usurped by courts of equity. 

No! No revolution! Nothing but cannyiie this profession o 0 
childlike faith into practice. Mr. Sinclair says: 

“I believe that to-day the Interstate Commerce Commission cou 
take charge of our railways and abolish the claim of their bondholder 
to interest and of their stockholders to dividends, either reducing th 
cost of the service or turning over the profits to the government, pre 
cisely as in the case of the post-office, and I do not believe that th 
fundamental basis of our government ‘and social fabric would be de 
stroyed thereby. I believe ‘that the same thing could be done in th 
case of express companies, the telegraphs and telephones, the ste 
trust, the oil trust, and the coal trust. I believe that it could h 
done in our cities for public service corporations and for land, an 


still the fundamental basis of our government and social fabric migl 
endure.” \ 


Grown men who can read these propositions and not see th: 
of necessity they blot out the present legal system, the establishe 
relations of the citizen to property, the independence of ever 
individual, the liberty of movement, speech, press, assemblage-: 
well, such men can believe black white, storm sunshine, wi 
peace, cold heat, truth error, and insanity sanity. Men of suc 
minds see society as through a mist, the creation of their ov 
mental astigmatism.—A merican Federationist, April, 1914, “@ 
ton Sinclaiy’s Mental Marksmanship.” 


“Socialism makes provision for everything except liberty,” a 
serted Brand Whitlock. The best verification of his assertion 
found in New South Wales. There have been established ‘ 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 195 


anner of governmental agencies for regulating industry and 
dustrial relations. 

Now regulation of industrial relations is not a policy to be 
utered upon lightly—establishment of regulation for one type 
f relation necessitates regulating of another and then another, 
atil finally all industrial life grows rigid with regulations. 

New South Wales began by establishing agencies to prohibit 
rikes and lockouts. But strikes could not be banished at com- 
and in New South Wales or elsewhere, since they are the result 
f industrial wrongs. It was found necessary to extend the 
uthority given the governmental agencies to include the regula- 
on of wages, hours of work, overtime and any industrial matter. 
© make one regulation effective, authority to regulate other 
Jations was necessary. 

New South Wales is known as a labor governed state and the 
orkers expected to gain great benefits from state regulation. 
ing Midas expected to gain all the joys of existence from the 
ft of golden touch—but the golden touch made food somewhat 
digestible. The workers of New South Wales have found that 
overnmental regulation has undesirable results.—American 


ederationist, May, 1915. 


Socialists advocate a theory of the codperative commonwealth 
id government ownership of all means of production and distri- 
tion, the government to be the thing, the ideal. To strengthen | 
e state as Frederick Howe says, is to devitalize the individual. 
am not a pessimist. On the contrary I believe I may justly 

myself an optimist. I believe in the people. I believe in 

e working people. I believe in their growing intelligence. I 

ieve in their growing and persistent demand for better con- 

ions, for a more rightful situation in the industrial, political 

ad social affairs of this country and of the world. I have faith 

fat the working people will better their condition far beyond 
t which is to-day. 

|The position of the organized labor movement is not based 

won misery and poverty, but upon the right of the workers to 

arger and a constantly growing share of the production, and 
will work out these problems for themselves—From testt- 
before Congressional Committee, April, 1916, on resolution 

a Commission on Social Insurance. 


196 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


American labor has kept its trust with democracy and 
principles of liberty and justice. It yields to no person or ins\ 
tution in its fidelity and devotion to our Republic. America 
labor is proud that fewer conscientious objectors were found 7 
its ranks than among any other group of people. 

Comparison between the pronouncements and activities of it 
dividuals and associations who without warrant or authorit 
assume to speak in the name of labor, and the loyal attitude 2 
patriotic declarations and accomplishments of the organized labo 
movement as represented by the American Federation of Labe 
is vivid. I invite careful reading of the paragraphs quoted * else 
where from “American Labor’s Position in Peace or in War,” 0 
March 12, 1917, and the following declaration of the Americai 
Socialist Party: 

“The American people did not want and do. not want this w ' 
They have not been consulted about the war and have had no pat 
in declaring war. They have been plunged into this war by the trick 
ery and treachery of the ruling class of the country through its rep 
sentatives in the National Administration and National Congress, it 
demagogic agitators, its subsidized press, and other servile instrument 
of public expression. 

“We brand the declaration of war by our government as a crim 
against the people of the United States and against the nations 0 
the world. 

“Tn all modern history there has been no war more unjustifiab 
than the war in which we are about to engage. 

“No greater dishonor has ever been forced upon a people than t 
which the capitalist class is forcing upon this nation against its will) 

No other influence in our country was viewed with such fave 
by the autocratic governments of Germany and Austria as wa 
the pernicious propaganda of the socialists to destroy or weake 
the forces of democracy in this great struggle—From “Our Shi 
Against Bolshevism,’ McClure’s Magazine, April, 1910. 


THE I. W. W. AND “ONE BIG UNION” 


The attempt to force the trade unions into what has bee 
termed industrial organization is perversive of the history of tf 
labor movement, runs counter to the best conceptions of # 
toilers’ interests now, and is sure to lead to the confusion whit 
precedes dissolution and disruption. It is time for the Americ 
Federation of Labor to solemnly call a halt. It is time for o1 


* See page 248. } 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 197 


ellow-unionists entrusted with grave responsibilities to help stem 
he tide of expansion madness lest either by their indifference or 
ncouragement their organizations will be drawn into the vortex 
hat will engulf them to their possible dismemberment and de- 
struction. ‘There is virtue and a great meed of praise due in 
wganizing our fellow-workers that they may defend and further 
heir interests. 

No tribute too great can be paid those engaged in the past and 
n the present who have done and who are doing this splendid 
york; but virtue, merit, and tribute must be effaced unless we 
neet the conditions, aye, the awful calamity which is inevitable 
f trade union lines are not recognized and enforced—enforced not 
o much by an edict of this Federation, but by the common sense 
ind power of the organizations themselves. The advocates of 
he so-called industrial system of labor organizations urge that 
in effective strike can only be conducted when all workmen, re- 
ardless of trade, calling, or occupation, are affected. 

That this is not borne out by the history of strikes in the 
vyhole labor movement is easily demonstrable. Though here and 
here such strikes have been temporarily successful, in the main 
hey have been fraught with injury to all. The so-called indus- 
rial system of organization implies sympathetic strikes, and these 
ime and experience have demonstrated as a general proposition 
hould be discarded, while strikes of particular trades or callings 
lave had the largest number of successes and the minimum of 
lefeats. Quite apart from these considerations, however, are the 
plendid advantages obtained by the trade unions without the 
ecessity of strikes or the interruption of industry. No one will 
ttempt to say that a sympathetic strike shall under no circum- 
tances occur. Under certain conditions it may be not only justifi- 
ble but practical and successful, even if only as an emphatic pro- 
est against a great injustice or wrong; but generally and nor- 

ally considered, such strikes can not be of advantage. 

One feature in connection with a system of industrial organiza- 
on and its concomitant, the sympathetic strike, has been over- 

Oked. By its methods any one of our international organiza- 
ons could be financially drained and actually ruined in a very 
rief period in an effort to sustain the members involved; while, 
n the other hand, in a well-formulated trade union movement, 

large number of men of different crafts, belonging to their own 


198 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


respective international trade unions, could be indefinitely s 
tained financially and victory achieved. At least the organiz 
tions maintained, not only to continue that battle, but to take 
the cudgels in defense of their members elsewhere—From Annu 
Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Boston, Mass., Novembe 


1903. 


If a policy of so-called industrial form of organization be ju 
tifiable and advantageous, as against that of the trade unio 
form, with its constant development, with changing conditior 
in industry, then an organization formed a few months ago ij 
San Antonio, Tex, is thé best expression and exponent of th 
notion, for that organization sneers contemptuously at the 0 
ganization of the different unions of the building trades, 
styles itself “The United Brotherhood of Builders of America, 
It denounces roundly the trade unions, and in the usual lai 
guage of the so-called industrialists invites to membership in fl 
one organization carpenters and plumbers, painters and brid 
layers, plasterers and bridge and structural iron workers, ele 
trical workers and hod carriers, building laborers and machinist 
and every man who is either directly or remotely employed | 
the preparation of the material for a building or in the constru 
tion of the building itself. It necessarily follows that if such 
form of organization is most advantageous to the workmen ef 
ployed in the building trades, it will apply with equal advanta; 
to all others. This is the logical result of the reasoning of son 
of our mistaken fellow trade unionists who, with more enthusias 
than clearness of vision, urge what they euphoneously call ; 
industrial form of organization. 

Our trade union movement, which deals with conditions — 
they arise and takes advantage of experience to turn it to f 
best account of our fellow workmen, may not be so alluring; | 
may not bear the apparent glamor and dash which some wow 
have the labor movement assume, but ours is the movement 
labor, founded upon the historic development of the toilers’ ass 
ciated effort; it battles in labor’s interests to-day, and is marshi 
ing the forces of united labor in its regiments and battalions t 
better to defend, the better to withstand, the better to mainta' 
the better to clear the pathway for a safer and more success} 
advance to-morrow and to-morrow. 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE * 199 


To the fanciful that movement may be slower than that which 
ey conjecture, but it is the most rapid because it is the most 
tural, rational, and safe. Students and observers of our move- 
ent do not regard it as of slow progress. They are astonished 
the rapidity and comprehensiveness with which we are moving 
ward and forward. 

May the day never come when, by an attempt at overrunning, 
2 miss or lose our goal, and rent asunder, weak and helpless, 
come the victims of the cupidity and rapacity of labor’s foes. 
From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, San Fran- 
sco, November, 1904. 


There are some who would divide existing forces of organized 
bor under the pretense that the trade union movement does not 
pand its effort to cover all the workers of a given industry, 
no would dismember our trade unions of to-day under the 
lusive notion that all the workers in a given industry, regard- 
ss of trade or calling, could then be organized into what they 
e pleased to term an industrial union. They evidently imagine 
at the trade union movement was “made to order” in a mold, 
at it is a fixture. They are entirely oblivious of the fact that 
e trade union movement in its origin, growth, workings and 
velopment is, primarily and historically, the movement of the 
workers, by the wage-workers, for the wage-workers; that 
growth and expansion are apace with the growth and advance- 
t of the wage-earners, and that the codperation of the 
rkers in a given industry and of all industry must come 
ugh a natural, orderly and well-defined course as a result of 
cessity and experience. 
The trade union movement sets no hard and fast lines for 
alf, It reckons with the workmen as they are, and not as it 
‘uld wish them to be. It undertakes to deal with them and the 
blems confronting them so that they may make, as they are 
ing, the trade union movement broader, more comprehensive 
effective for their own good as well as for the common good 
all. 
In the past, aye, even in our own time, we have witnessed the 
tion of movements of a so-called industrial character 
which proved to be movements that did not move, the most 
icuous of which was the Knights of Labor, whose policy of 


200 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


industrialism and antagonism to the trade union mover 
proved its own undoing. . 

Our experience has demonstrated that drastic efforts to { 
maturely bring workmen of kindred trades into codperation 
amalgamation have aroused greater hostility and resentment ; 
driven them farther apart. The policy pursued by our mo 
ment is to encourage the feelings of amity and fraternity ame 
the men in the different organizations of labor of a given oI 
kindred industry, and to inaugurate an alliance so that in ti 
an amalgamation may result in one comprehensive organizati 
The number of affiliated organizations under the titles of “In 
national Unions” and “Amalgamated Associations” now in ¢ 
istence, in which the fullest development on this line has be 
established, is the best testimony of the wisdom and the prac 
cability of the course and policy pursued by the trade uni 
movement for which the American Federation of Labor stat 
Recent doings of so-called ‘“Industrialists” present the off 
view. Who can hesitate in his choicep—From Annual Repo t 
A. F. of L. Convention, Minneapolis, Minn., November, 1906, 


Syndicalism in Europe marks reaction against “puttering p, 
liamentary socialism.” What is heard of it as at work in | 
United States signifies simply the latest development of hot-he 
resentment against our economic conditions. Some of our) 
citable revolutionary dreamers have turned revolutionaries 
act—on the spot. They have only jumped from pan to fire. | 

Just when socialists are syndicalists, and syndicalists sociali, 
it is difficult to determine. In no country do the socialists ref 
to profit by any of the rash steps of the syndicalists. Some 
the syndicalists proclaim themselves socialists. The war-cries 
the extremists among the political partisan anarchists and | 
cialists are the same war-cries which are used by the econo 
syndicalists. 

The ultimate object of syndicalism as a movement is the sd: 
revolution through an all-encompassing general strike of 
working classes. The non-wage-working classes are to be 
prived of their sustenance, and thus terrorized into acceptane¢ 
the new social system inch will be imposed upon them by 
“syndicates.” This system will represent the unified we 
workers of the various industries, who will take possession 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 201 


erate the natural and other media essential to production. 
xovernment will give way to “syndicalistic ownership and opera- 
ion of the means of production and distribution.” Fantastic 
hough the scheme may appear in America, it has its adherents 
yy the many thousands, especially in the Latin countries of 
iurope. ... 

“Industrial unionism, so called (for no comprehensive definition 
as as yet been Peau to prescribe its boundary lines, or to clas- 
ify the elements to be contained therein), is a theory which, if 
atried to its logical (cr better still, illogical) conclusion, is 
arking back to the primitive battlefield. The advocates of this 
orm of organization, at least a great many of them, assume that 
ne organizations of labor can be successfully combined into one 
igantic union, and the power of that union so concentrated that 
would, or peal, be moved on an instant’s notice, as an autom- 
ton. Were it possible to reach a condition of this character— 
€ concentration of power necessary to carry out the objects 
esired—the democracy which now exists in our unions would, 
s already shown, give way to autocracy. Power would be at 
he top, and not at the foundation, as now exemplified by the 
i unions. . . . Whatever changes that are to occur will 
me as a development, and not as a cataclysm. . . . 

! Syndicalism has not the faintest show of success in America, 
or has any other “ism” which does not contemplate an oppor- 
unist movement through obviously needed reforms toward 
onomic justice, step by step, in accordance with the convic- 
ia of the majority in community, State, Nation, and Conti- 
ent—American Federationist, May, 1912. 


|The I. W. W. is destructive in theory and in practice. It 
ould destroy the State and the ownership of property and sub- 
itute for these voluntary collectivism or a form of anarchy. It 
laims that the campaign of education and that constant reform 
e antiquated and ineffective, advocates “direct action,” and the 
struction of the present that Utopia may be superimposed on 
eruins. As the Industrial Workers of the World state in their 

literature: “There is just one bargain the Industrial 
orkers of the World will make with the employing class— 
mplete surrender of all control of industry to the organized 
orkers.” Since the purpose is to subvert present economic 


202 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


conditions and principles, all policies and methods are dest 
tive. They say society is composed of two classes—the empl 
ing and the employed—whose interests are diametrically opp 
and incapable of conciliation. Hence the wrongs of the 
ployed can be righted only by dispossessing the employers. U; 
this basis their program is prepared. il 

So irrevocable and so ineradicable do they consider the lit 
of demarcation between the two classes that one of their int 
preters, Mr. Pouget, even postulates for them two distinct 
tems of morality: 

“The truth is that, as there exist two classes in society, so q 


exist two moralities, the bourgeois morality and the proletarian 


rality.” i 
Yet Mr. Pouget deems even this morality too constrictive. ii 


in considering the transfer of industry to the workers from | 
ethical standpoint, he says: 


a 


“We are going to take over the industries some day, for three ve 
good reasons: Because we need them, because we want them, and } 
cause we have the power to get them. Whether we are ‘ethically ji 
tified’ or not is not our concern.” 


Their destructive policies begin with opposition to the tral 
union. For this they would substitute a type of organization th 
would unite all the workers into one ardent, compact, awe-i 
spiring union, eager to sacrifice personal and immediate benefi 
to a dream of future perfection. Such an organization would co 
stitute a sort of militant flying wedge to reach by direct acti 
the heart of Hse eae to the victors belong the spoils. T 
tactics employed in this “organization” are the general strik 
direct action, and sabotage. 

The general strike is to enable the workers to approximate t 
fighting strength of the employer—for action “altogether,” wi 
irresistible solidarity, would sweep all difficulties away.. The meé 
fact that different groups of men working at different trades ha 
different interests, presents no difficulties to these theorists w 
demand that all workers be ever on the qué vive to forego thi 
individual desires and welfare and the interests of those depe 
dent on them for the sake of the “altogether” Utopia. Since t 
“altogether” strike with folded hands for industrial purposes’ 
impracticable because of difficulties presented by human natu 
more aggressive methods are employed. 


bx 2 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 203 


In actual practice it is hard to distinguish between direct ac- 
tion, sabotage, and violence. Direct action, they say, is getting 
results by more immediate methods—that is, appropriating. The 

sabotage is derived from sabot, meaning a wooden shoe. 
€ propagandists say sabotage is a slang word used figuratively 
1 the sense “to work clumsily.” Less prejudiced writers find a 
ore sinister connotation, derived from the action of French 
ts in throwing their wooden shoes into machinery as a 
trike device. Direct action interpreted means violence, force, 
sabotage, the strike in which are used all the methods condemned 
dy humanitarian standards—that the ultimate ideal may be ob- 
ined immediately. Sabotage is just another term for destruc- 
ion. The leaders suggest that delicate and expensive machinery 
y be ruined by careless handling or dropping in foreign ar- 
icles; food or other articles may be made unfit for sale; sales- 
people may refuse to show stock, may injure sales by displaying 
il the defects in the goods or by merely telling the whole truth; 
bxpensive mistakes may be made intentionally, as perishable 
billed to the wrong destination. One of their leaders 
Tropped this suggestion: 
“With two cents worth of a certain ingredient utilized in a peculiar 


Yy it will be easy for the railwaymen to put the locomotives in such 
condition as to make it impossible to run them.” 


f 


The whole purpose of this program is not to secure changes 
t will bring present benefits to the workers, but to make the 
loyers so dissatisfied, so hopeless, that they will retire in 
, leaving the workers i in possession of industry. And then 
t? ” Which of them knows? Is it not true that if society is 
individualistic for a socialist State” it is equally “too com- 
aunistic for an individualist State?” 

We would not disparage idealism, but the vision of all the 
rkers of the world, banded together in one world-wide or- 
tion against all athe forces of society, nations, and States 
too chimerical to be seriously entertained by an intelligent 
or woman confronted with the practical problem of securing 
better home, better food and clothing, and a better life. In- 
igent, practical workers want an organization that will benefit 
now, and will protect them in the enjoyment of advantages 
while additional benefits are sought. It is well and in- 
iring to work for the uplift of all humanity, but that usually 


204 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


can best be done if each will attend to his own immediate oblig 
tions so that all may daily grow into better things rather the 
suddenly be carried skyward by a cataclysmic uplift to strang 
and unaccustomed heights and duties. 

However, the most serious objections to the Indus 
Workers of the World are not their utopian theories, but #] 
violence, the “ceaseless class war” without regard to humar 
tarian rules of war, and the needless suffering inflicted upon f 
workers and society. It has been said that in advising waite 
on strike their leaders called attention to the opportunities | 
serving food to destroy even life. This has been put into wor 
by one of their spokesmen thus: 

“They do not recognize the employer’s right to live any more th 
a physician recognizes the right of typhoid bacilli to thrive at the e 
pense of a patient, the patient merely keeping alive.” 

Although the ultimate ideal is individualistic in the extrem 
when industry shall be controlled by the groups of worke 
when neither State nor laws shall exist, yet the method of a 
taining this goal sacrifices individual welfare at every stage. TI 
workers are to become pawns to be directed and used by a “Ii 
minority” for the ultimate good of all. Present possessions a 
present benefits are to be lightly cast aside in response to the 
call of the leaders for immediate, united action for revolutiona 
purposes. Such methods fail to take human nature and the 
evolutionary character of progress into account. Both employe 
and employed who have had experience with the I. W. W. 
with appreciation to the American Federation of Labor. 

Then, too, the workers are done a criminal injury and injust 
when the I. W. W. comes among them to instill impracticak 
ideals, so to inflame the imagination by the hallucination th 
in yet a little while the workers shall inherit the whole earth am 
all its riches. Deluded by this leadership, unorganized worker 
who have no conception of hours, fair wages, sanitary or sta 
ardized conditions of work; who, since they are unorganized 
have been unprotected, domineered over and cruelly treated bi 
employers who take every advantage of their dependent and 4 
fenseless position—these toilers have been persuaded to belies 
that the so-called Industrial Workers of the World will lead ra 
recruits of labor to immediate, final, and absolute emancipatic 
from every industrial, economic, and social ill; that they y 


y ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 205 


mmediately become the owners of all wealth, the directors of all 
he means of production and agencies for distribution. Dazed 
y the anticipated dizzy heights of mastery of world-destinies, 
ntoxicated by the vision of triumph and absolute control, 
yorkers have entrusted their welfare to these industrial “‘pro- 
noters” only to come to a realization of the futility of their 
isions, of blasted hopes and wasted opportunities. Then they 
urn in wrath upon their deluders and misleaders. 
Bitter experience with this organization results in discerning 
ppreciation of the American trade union movement, the Ameri- 
an Federation of Labor, as it steadily and surely moves onward, 
pward, never receding. It is a movement that instills confidence 
nd hope because it is founded upon continual achievements. It 
oes not hold out inflated hopes and impossible ideals which must 
ollapse and disappear before real industrial problems and at- 
acks. The insistent and consistent policy of the trade union 
jovement has secured for the working people whatever of uplift 
nd betterment has made their lives freer and happier. This 
olicy has been one of uncompromising protest and agitation 
gainst every form of wrong, injustice, or denial of rights. In 
ae economic field this policy has resulted in effective and trium- 
t contest. It has inspired workers with the desire, the 
urpose and the grit to struggle and battle for material improve- 
ents in the form of higher wages, fewer hours of labor, better 
onditions of Employment. In the political field the policy has 
een to avoid alliance with any political party, but to utilize all 
arties, whenever an opportunity is presented to remedy wrong 
r inaugurate new and better policies in legislation, administra- 
on, or judicature. The American Federation of Labor has al- 
ys been maintained untrammeled, unrestricted, free to criti- 
ize, attack or denounce men, employers, parties, whenever the 
elfare and the interests of the workers have been menaced. 
-American Federationist, July, 1913. 


Mr. Sinclair, disputing the statement that the American Fede- 
tion of Labor and the railroad brotherhoods speak for the great 
of the working people of the country, asserts: 

“There is another organization of workingmen with a large mem- 


ship—the Industrial Workers of the World. I notice that you do 
quote me the opinions of any of its leaders. Yet it is a fact that 


206 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the Industrial Workers of the World stands for the interests of 
class of workers who are far more numerous than those represente 
by the American Federation of Labor.” 
The “large membership” of the “Industrial Workers of th 
World” is thus described by R. F. Hoxie, Professor of Economic 
University of Chicago (Journal of Political Economy, November, 
1913): | 
“In spite of eight years of organizing effort and unparalleled ad= 
vertisement, the official roll of the convention (Chicago, September, 
1913) indicated that its present paid-up membership entitled to re 
resentation does not much exceed 14,000 men, while the actual co 
stitutional representation on the convention floor was less than half 
that number. .. . It is admitted by the highest officials of the Indus-) 
trial Workers that up to the time of the Lawrence strike the membe! 
ship never reached 10,000, the highest yearly average being but 6,000” 
. .. “Everywhere the history of the organization has shown this same 
inability to maintain a stable and growing membership.” 
Professor Hoxie further says that the “I. W. W.” has not bee 
able to organize effectively a body of men equal to 1 per cent. 
the American Federation of Labor alone—American Federation: 


ist, April, 1914, “Upton Sinclair’s Mental Marksmanship.” 


BOLSHEVISM 


My aspirations know no limit for my fellow men, but I do 
have some,—or at least I am vain enough to believe that I have 
some common sense and understanding of the operations of the 
human mind. I am not going to give up voluntarily the labor 
movement with its achievements of to-day to look for the 
chimerical to-morrow. I think the greatest, the most radical, 
the most idealistic and the most fantastical declaration which 
any body of men has made has been by the Bolsheviki of Russia. 
And they have lost, not only the meat from the bone but the 
bone itself, and have not even the shadow. They went out for 
the maximum for the masses, for land, bread, and peace, and 
they haven’t their land or bread or peace. We prefer to go on 
in this normal way of trying to make the conditions of life and 
labor better to-day than they were yesterday; and better f 
morrow and to-morrow and to-morrow’s to-morrow than each daj 
that has gone before—From address at reception to the visiting 
British Labor Union Delegates, tendered by The National Civ 
Federation, March 16, 1918, 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 207 


The political party which claims to represent French labor 
ias indorsed Bolshevism; strong influences are at work within 
the Confederation Generale du Travail working in the same di- 
ection. The French anti-war fanatics and pro-Bolshevists prac- 
ically obtained control of the French Socialist Party at the end 
f last July. At that time and up until the very day of German 
efeat the slogan was “Peace without victory” and a compro- 
nise with German Kaiserism and militarism. At the national 
ongress of the party in October their control was reaffirmed, and 
he official party organ passed from the hands of the so-called 
ro-war politician Renaudel into the hands of the anti-war politi- 
ian Longuet, the grandson of Karl Marx. 

In spite of all that the French Socialist Party could do to 
revent it, the war was continued until the German defeat, which 
rought with it the German revolution. Did the socialists then 

nfess their tremendous blunder or wrong? Not in the least. 
m the contrary, they claimed that Germany was not defeated 
hy the valiant and heroic armies of the world’s democracies, but 
yy an impending German revolution, due to the soviet agitation 
n that country. They took the armistice as a sign of the failure 
f democratic internationalism and the victory of soviet interna- 
ionalism. 

_ The armistice had not been signed three days when the execu- 
ve committee of the French Socialist Party met and passed 
he following amazing resolutions: 


“The French Socialist Party welcomes the German Republic and the 
king over of the power in Prussia and the Confederated States by 
e working class. 

“As in the Russia of the Soviets, socialism has appeared in all cen- 

-al Europe as the proper liquidator of the political and social situation 
ft by the war. 

“The party thus sees justified the confidence which it has always 
d in the action of peoples. 

' “Considering that certain of the conditions of the armistice leave the 
arply defined fear that the allied Governments have the intention of 
rther extending the criminal military intervention against revolution- 
y Russia, the party declares that it will appeal to all the forces of 
e French proletariat to prevent the socialism which is being born in 
ussia as well as in Germany and Austria, from being crushed by 
alitions of foreign capitalisms. 

“The party urges the French working people most rigorously to rally 
the support of their unions and socialist groups, to sustain their 

lass journals, and to keep themselves ready to make socialism triumph 
France as it has in the other countries of Europe.” 


208 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


This resolution, which betrays not only France but also th 
democratic league of nations now in process of formation at Vel 
sailles is as remarkable for what it says as what it omits to say 
The only revolution it recognizes in Russia is the counter revo 
lution by which the Bolshevists overthrew the democratic go} 
ernment of Kerensky and by force of arms dissolved the const 
tutional assembly. It is assumed that the new government 6 
Germany will be of a similar character and it is demanded tha 
the socialist minority representing less than 25 per cent. of th 
French people should bring about a soviet revolution in Frane 

All the achievements of the democratic revolutions of the pas 
in France, America and England are ignored or perverted. 1] 
is held that there is precisely the same need for revolutions i 
those countries as there was in Russia and in Germany whe 
the Czar and Kaiser were thrown out. There never was suc 
a thing as a Declaration of Independence or a French declarg 
tion of the rights of man. The universal suffrage of France 
England and the United States is ignored as if it had never & 
isted. The growing power of labor in America, as well as 
France and England, is implicitly denied. The assumption j 
that labor and the masses generally are in the same position i 
the world’s great democracies to-day as they were under th 
Kaiser and the Czar. 

If this is not treason to democracy and treason to internatio 
alism, then we would better take the word “treason” out of f 
dictionary—From testimony at hearings before the Committe 
on Education and Labor, United States Senate, January 3 onde 
I9I9. F 

I do not know that I am entitled to very great credit becaus 
I am not a Bolshevik. With my understanding of America 
institutions and American opportunities, I repeat that the ma 
who would not be a patriot in defense of the institutions of oL 
country would be undeserving the privilege of living in th 
country... . If I thought that Bolshevism was the right ro 
to go, hae it meant freedom, justice and the principles of 
mane society and living conditions, I would join the Bolshe 
It is because I know that the whole scheme leads to nowher 
that it is destructive in its efforts and in its every activity, thi 
it compels reaction and brings about a situation worse than 


ORGANIZED LABOR’S CHALLENGE 209 


me st has undertaken to displace, that I oppose and fight it— 
trom “Our Shield Against Bolshevism,’ McClure’s Magazine, 


ipril, 1919. 


The movement of destruction is abroad in the world to-day. 
The philosophy of despair has its fanatic adherents. The lean 
jody has furnished many a weak mind as prey to teachings of 
eaction masked under a pretense of progress. Those who see 
jisely into the future must, if society is to be saved from fires 
qore consuming than those we have known, so shape the course 
f the world as to offer this hideous wraith of destruction no 
sothold. The lean body has a right to the opportunity to get 
ped. If it is denied that right it is fair sport for the teacher of 
uin. If it is denied that Perens right it will sooner or 
ater furnish a weak mind likely to fall prey to whatsoever may 
ome promising relief, no matter how unsound or impossible may 
that promise. 

' Russia stands before our gaze like a flaming torch of warning. 
thing called Bolshevism has reared its ugly head in that sad 
sorry land. Bolshevism is a theory, the chief tenet of which 
the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” Leaving out of consid- 
ration for the moment the story of murder and devastation that 
marched with this theory into practice, we must set down 
e theory itself as abhorrent to a world that loves democracy. 
e shall progress by the use of the machinery of democracy, 
we shall not progress. There is no group of men on earth 
t to dictate to the rest of the world. It is this central idea of 
olshevism that makes the whole of it outcast in the minds of 
ime men. It is this focusing point of it all that makes it an 
gemy to our civilization. 

This idea—the central theory of Bolshevism—is not in the 
ds of the people of Russia. This we know as surely as we 
ow any fact that comes to us through human channels. But 
is theory has been imposed upon a mass in which there is 
e hunger, in which there is disorganization, in which there 
no strong, normal soul or body left to combat evil immedi- 
ely and effectively. 

Were there an American Federation of Labor in Russia there 
uld have been no Bolshevism. Were there no organized labor 
wement in America devoted to the ideals of liberty and right 


210 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


and justice and unshaken in its faith in progress through tk 
orderly processes of democracy, there would be Bolshevism i 
America. If there should be in America any great denial of tl 
just aspirations of the working people as voiced by their orga 
ized movement there would be a dangerous flow toward Bolsh 
vism that would be neither pleasant nor helpful for America— 
From “The Battle Line of Labor,’ McClure’s Magazime, Ma 


1919. 


WILL 


4ABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 
AND LIBERTY 


PATRIOTISM—TRUE AND FALSE 


We do not oppose the development of our industry, the expan- 
mt of our commerce, or the power and influence which the 
nited States may exert upon the destinies of the nations of the 
arth. On the contrary, we realize that the higher intelligence 
nd standard of the life of the American workers will largely 
ontribute towards attaining the highest pinnacle of industrial 
ad commercial greatness; and nee achievements in the paths 
f£ peace will plorify the institutions of our republic, to which 
ie grateful eyes and the yearning hearts of the people of the 
will turn for courage and inspiration to struggle onward 
ad upward, so that the principles of human liberty and human 
istice may be implanted in their own lands. 
| America, and particularly American institutions, are not only 
‘orthy of our love and veneration because they give us greater 
om than those of any other nation, but the institutions of 
ie United States represent a principle—the great principle of 
-government of the people, for the people, by the people— 
slf-restraint as well as great power. This principle we shall 
aly prove ourselves worthy of representing, and holding forth 
e an inspiration for the peoples of other nations to emulate and 


=k to establish by manifesting restraint upon ourselves or upon 


Se and powerful sphere into the vortex of imperialism, with 
a the evils which that term implies—militarism, despotism, and 
ynality on the one hand; slavery, misery and despair on the 


he flag of our republic should float over a free people, and 
never form a cloak to hide slavery, barbarism, despotism, 
2II 


212 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


or tyranny. America, as we know it, with its blessings of pea 
and stability, must not be hazarded for a new era. 
The possessors of the wealth of our country enjoy libert 

and freedom, no matter where they may be or wherever the 
may go. It has always been the hewers of wood and the carrie 
of water, the wealth producers, whose mission it has been not on 
to struggle for freedom, but to be ever vigilant to maintain # 
liberty or freedom achieved; and it behooves the representativi 
of the grand army of labor, in convention assembled, to give vel 
to the alarm we feel from the dangers threatening us and o1 
entire people, to enter our solemn and emphatic protest again 
what we already feel, that with the success of the policy 
imperialism the decadence of our republic will have 4a 
ready set in. 

“Forever in thine eyes, O Liberty, 

Shines that bright light 

By which the world is saved; 

And tho’ they slay us, 

We shall trust in thee.” 
—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Kansas C 


December, 1898. 


Throughout the length and breadth of our country, from ci 
town, village, and hamlet there are no more patriotic men ai 
women than those who belong to the ranks of labor. I respec 
fully dissent from the insinuations, much more the charge, tk 
organized labor, the men of the greater intelligence among 1 
working people of our country, the men who have manifesi 
greater interest in themselves and in their fellows by the vé 
fact of their organizing, that for that reason they lack patriotism 

In truth, the history of our national struggles bears evidene 
to the fact that out of the ranks of organized labor have com 
the men who have made up the army of our country in defens 
of our flag, in defense of our homes, in defense of our hone 
and our interests, in defense of the principles for which ov 
government stands.—From address at Boston Convention of 4 
F, of L., December, 1903. , 


We do not wish to dwarf the wonderful heroism of our 
soldiers or sailors; we sing their glory whenever opportunity a 
fords; but we do not believe that the men who fall upon @ 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 213 


artial battlefield shall be regarded as the only heroes of the 
rid, and that the men who fall upon the battlefield of labor 
all be regarded as the hoboes of the world. 

It is not enough alone to know how to die; it is better to know 
w to live. Men in the spirit of enthusiasm or anger may 
row themselves upon their antagonists and meet death fear- 
sly; but the men who work and struggle, who in their cool 
yments calmly and deliberately enter into contests that may 
an months and months of slow deprivation and almost star- 
tion, to their heroism is due a greater tribute—From address 
meeting of Plate Printers Union No. 2, Washington, D. C., 
nuary 21, 1905. 


To-day we urge that it requires more heroism in men and 
men to bear the brunt of great sacrifice, of quiet, silent suf- 
ing for the betterment of the human family than is mani- 
ted upon the gory field of battle. To endeavor to help, to 
lift, to benefit our fellows, to make the burdens of life less 
erous and to help bear our brother’s burdens, to make life 
ighter and better, to permit the ray of sunshine to enter into 
: home and to dispel the gloom, to make man stronger and 
ler and woman more happy and beautiful and childhood 
wre expectant of a brighter and better day, is the great uplift- 
work, is the work of this century which you, the toilers, 

the intelligent and sympathetic men and women are effect- 
vn a heroism and by a splendid work that may not be 
erstood or appreciated in our time, but as we sing the glories 
the men who have won for us the great attributes and op- 
unities of freedom in our time, so those who follow us will 
lize that in our day in the same measure that we perform 
¢ duties to our fellows, we shall have performed the great work 
‘the social uplift and universal peace-——From address at Labor 
iss Meeting, Cooper-Union, New York City, April 16, 1907, 
onnection with International Peace Congress. 


Dne of the strongest impulses in man is patriotism. This 
inct was ignored by internationalism. Yet it is the instinct 
has ever inspired men to make great and heroic sacrifices— 
Bive up interests, possessions, dear ones, and even life itself. 
iriotism lifts men above the level of expediency, s safety, and 


214 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


profits. War is awful but patriotism will dare even war. 
man who has thought only for his personal safety and welfé 
may be useful but he is not inspiring. But the man or 

woman who gives ungrudgingly, with glorious disregard of sél 
is an inspiration that brings us close to the beauty and f 
purpose of life, and makes luminous the ideal—He lives mo 
who gives most.”—American Federationist, November, 1914. 


When the political genius of the nations provides represente 
tive machinery for dealing with international relations, dipk 
macy will catch step with democratic ideals of freedom and ju 
tice. But any plan which purposes merely to deny nations th 
right to use force will fail, Force can not be eliminated, bt 
it should be under the control of intelligent, responsible, dem 
cratically controlled agents of justice. Organized responsibl 
force will make treaties something more than scraps of pape 
International peace will follow international justice—not di 


armament and proscription of war. . . . However, let no or 
i 


be deluded into thinking that international political organizatio 
will supplant the national state. The present war has prove 
that one of the strongest emotions in men is patriotism. P 
triotism is a strong compelling force—a primal instinct in # 
individual. It was stronger than the fundamental tenet of s 
cialism, stronger than ideals of international peace, stronger the 
religion, stronger than love of life and family. . . . With @ 
passing of delusions upon which men have builded, comes f 
necessity of revising theories and methods. This European cal 
clysm has subjected theories and ideals to the test of steel at 
fire. It has brought out new values. It has demonstrated clear 
that a sentiment in favor of international peace is alone unab 
to maintain peace. It has proved that patriotism is a strong 
tie than class interests—and so demonstrated a fallacy of § 


‘ie 


cialist theory. . . . Our efforts to maintain peace must be c 
rected toward removing the causes of war. International pea’ 
will result only from international agencies for establishing ju 
tice, possessing power to enforce its decisions. Peace at al 
cost is advocated by only sentimentalists and neurotic dreame 
The best guarantee of peace to any self-respecting independe 
nation is the power of self-protection. . . . The organizations: 


u 


the working men were the last to sever the ties that bound the 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 215 


) their fellows in warring nations. But even the workers put 
atriotism above fraternalism. . . . The workers better than 
ll others realize that no one can make them free and that they 
emselves must achieve freedom. They know that international 
olitics can be freed from the pernicious influences that have 
een manipulating them to save personal interests only by the 
fective organized protests of those who have suffered from 
mscrupulous, treacherous diplomacy. When the people of the 
arious nations demand the establishment of representative agen- 
ies authorized and competent to secure international justice, 
nen international wars will cease—From Article in Harper's 
eekly, March 10, 1915. 


You have done me an honor by saying it is due in whole or in 
art to the influence which I exercised upon my fellows, that 
was such loyal continuous service during the war. That 

lay in part be true, but if it be true, it is because the men of 
bor in America have come to look upon our Republic with a 
ore reverential vision than ever before. And because in the 
ibor movement in America we have not gone after false gods. 
a the labor movement in America we have not allowed the po- 
tical parties, no matter how altruistic they may proclaim them- 
slves to be, to dominate or influence our movement, not any 
epublican Party, not any Democratic Party, not any Socialist 
arty, or any Prohibition Party, or any Labor Party. We have 
pod as a movement of America’s workers, believing that under 
ie institutions of our Republic we have the lawful right to 
sganize, to strive for a better life, to work out our own salvation 
the last opportunity, otherwise that we could quit work and 


nployer. 

Now, when the war came on, can you imagine, gentlemen, 
hat might have happened in the United States if the war had 
ed about seven or eight or nine years ago, when the coun- 
ly was rampant with indignation by reason of the injunctions 
thich were issued wholly without any warrant of law? When 
en of honor and character were haled before the courts, put 
bon their trial, and sentenced to imprisonment as if they were 
dmmon felons? If we had been in the war at that time, when 
jen’s influence was gone and whatever bit of reputation which 


I 


| 


216 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


they had, for which they had worked and had hoped to ma 
tain was sought to be taken from them; when all honor was | 
smirched; when men who had no other hope in life but to set 
their fellows were addressed by judges in language which cou 
only apply to the most consummate scoundrels and brutes; wh 
men with families, men who were husbands, fathers, grane 
fathers, were addressed in terms, direct terms, as if the judg 
had hefore them men who had raped womanhood—gentlemen, 
we had been in the war during that period, there might hay 
been a different story to tell. . . . I could understand the bi 
terness the people of England and Continental Europe hay 
against each other, the governments and dynasties. In turn the 
have all been wrong toward each other. They have in 
played the freebooter and the pirate against each other. © 
matter how much the democratic countries have changed j 
Europe, that fact to which I have just now referred is part ( 
the history of those countries and the flags of these respectiy 
countries engaged in battle array during this war, meant som 
thing of bitterness and hatred toward each other. But tk 
is not any penple in all the world who do not respect the histo 
and the flag of the United States of America. It has meant’ 
them, as long as they can remember, a republic, and will rema 
to them so long as they can associate the flag of our countt 
the idea of justice and of freedom and of opportunity and 
hope. My judgment was and is that a people could not fig 
so valiantly and heroically under the banner of a monarchi¢ 
institution with the same valor and the same heroism and t 


Republic of the United States. That in itself was a blow 
the morale of the militarist fighting machine of Germany.— Fv 
testimony at hearing before Committee on Education and Lab 
United States Senate, January 3 and 4, 1919. 


ing men who could answer to the call to arms, whether t 
millions or five millions or more, would have been of no ay 
whatsoever if it had not been for the civilian fighting mam 
factory, workshop and shipyard. It is the heroism of indust 
it is the heroism of a consciousness that very few people outs 
the ranks of labor can understand or appreciate. For there di 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 217 


seem to be heroism or glory in bending one’s back to a 
nachine or to a task to be begrimed, to be exhausted with 
abor, to have the poison of fatigue infected into one’s whole 
yystem—there is not much glory in it. I went down in the 
whips to see the men in the stokeholes. There was no glory in 

t, but there was heroism. There was no chance for them if 
heir ships were attacked. They would be either scalded to 
leath by the steam or burned to death by the fire of their fur- 

S, or sent to a watery grave. There was not a fighting chance 
vith them. Theirs was a resignation grim with determination 

t the job had to be done, and they were going to do it— 
rom address at Labor Victory Meeting, New York City, De- 
ember 1, 1918. 


There are no citizens of our country who are more truly pa- 
jotic than the organized wage-earners—or all of the wage- 
arners—and we have done our share in the civic life of the 
Bion as well as in the nation’s wars. We have done our share 
protect the nation against insidious attacks from within that 
yere directed at the very heart of our national life and would 
ve inevitably involved us in foreign complications. The wage- 
ers stood unfalteringly for ideals of honor, freedom, and loy- 
Ity. Their wisdom and their patriotism served our country in 
time of great need. No one can question that the wage-earn- 
Ts of the United States are patriotic in the truest sense. No one 
an question their willingness to fight for the cause of liberty, 
ior, and justice. No one can question the value of the ideals 
at direct the labor movement.—From address at annual meet- 
g of The National Civic Federation, in Washington, D. C., 
ary 18, 1916. 


| America is not merely a name, a land, a country, a continent; 

America is a symbol. It is an ideal, the hope of the world. 
It is the duty of every citizen to stand by his country in times 
stress and war as well as during times of peace. The man 

ho would not fight, or make the supreme sacrifice, if necessary, 
save and protect his home and his country, who would not 

ght for liberty, is undeserving and unworthy of living in a free 
untry—From “Our Shield Against Bolshevism,’ McClure’s 
agazine, April, 1919. 


218 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


The loyalty of American labor during the war was a matt 
of world interest, a matter commented upon in all circles wh 
ever men met over the world to discuss the fate of civilizatic 
and how best to protect its institutions against devastation 
the hands of the enemy arms. 

This loyalty was inherent in American labor. American la 
lives close to the heart of the things that go to make the 1 
terial side of what we speak of as democracy. Living thus 
to the hard facts of it they understand the soul of it and breatl 
in communion with the very life of it. American labor is) 
the very stuff of democracy, because the life of the moveme 
is close to the work of democracy, held there constantly by # 
paramount fact that work and body and soul are inseparé 
phases of the same life... . The war did not compel us 
make any change in our course. What the war did was to 
before us the necessity of putting our every ounce of streng 
and energy into the work of safeguarding what we had so Io 
striven for. Our movement went on in the same direction. TI 
war opened before us as a majestic, climactic episode on # 
road to the fulfillment of a great historic mission—From “T, 
Battle Line of Labor,’ McClure’s Magazine, May, 1919. 


LABOR’S BOND OF FRATERNALISM 


It has ever been the purpose, as well as the mission, of f 
A. F. of L. to not only cultivate the most fraternal relations wi 
the organized wage-workers of all countries, but also to 
advantage of every opportunity to make these purposes and 
tions an actuality. . . . It should be the constant aim of 
national and international trade unions to endeavor to bri 
about a mutual recognition, or, better still, an interchange | 
cards between them and the unions of the same trade or calli 
in other countries. This principle is already in vogue in seve 
of our affiliated unions, but I would recommend that it be adopt 
by all. Such a system once fully in operation, its beneficial 1 
sults will soon be manifest. 

It will pave the way for the attainment of that end for whi 
reformers struggle and of which poets sing; a federation of t 
people of the world—From Annual Report to A. F. of L. G 
vention, Philadelphia, December, 1892. . 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 219 


With the view of a closer bond of sympathy and unity among 
the organized workers of the different countries, correspondence 
with many of them has been maintained, and entered into with 
a number of others. We should endeavor by every means within 
our power to cultivate fraternal feeling and interest in the wel- 
fare of the wage-earners of all countries, to aid and encourage 
svery movement calculated to materially, morally, and socially 
improve the conditions of the workers, no matter where they 
may be located, and particularly to lend that aid which may 
be in our power to those who show a disposition to stand upon 
the common polity of our movement. 

_ From the officers of our affiliated unions come the satisfactory 
reports that they are in closer touch with their fellow trade 
unionists everywhere; and it is additionally gratifying that the 
_ recognition, exchange, and acceptance of union cards is 
jeing adopted internationally. 
With each step taken in the direction of cementing the bond 
of fraternity and recognition of the principle of solidarity in the 
ternational Jabor movement, we shall not only help to bear 
ach other’s burdens, but continually make those burdens lighter, 
ind be the lever for that international brotherhood of man when 
‘he wars of nations shall be a thing of the past—From Annual 
Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Kansas City, December, 1898. 
} 


| Thinking and liberty-loving and peace-loving men the world 
pver have been keenly and painfully disappointed at the meager 
results of the conference at The Hague in the interests of inter- 
ational peace. Mankind has a right to expect something of a 
more tangible character tending toward the abolition of inter- 
ational slaughter. The toilers, the world over, are primarily 
nterested in averting conflict, for they form the mass of men 
ho fall in battle or who bear the burdens which war entails. 

| International peace is usually disturbed by those having a 
lordid purpose. The uplifting work of progress and civilization 
$ interrupted and retarded when international peace is disturbed. 
Long periods elapse after a war before the constructive work 
n the interests of humanity and civilization can be resumed. 

Despite the failure of the congress to fulfill the expectations of 
the peace and humanity-loving men of the world, the duty de- 
volves upon the organized labor movement of all civilized coun- 


Ss 


220 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


tries to carry on an educational propaganda that shall reach 
conscience and the hearts of mankind. 

Labor will strive to persuade the governments of the world 
to establish universal, international peace, but lest these hopes 
be unrealized and efforts prove futile it must never be forgotten 
that in the last analysis the masses of the people of every country 
have it in their hands to exert their own giant will and power 
against international war, and that if otherwise thwarted they 
will not. hesitate to exert it—From Annual Report to A. F. of 
L. Convention, Norfolk, Va., November, 1907. : 


Of all the people who suffer from war, the toilers are mos 
intensely interested. They are the great burden bearers of its 
resultant horrors and sufferings. It is therefore not difficult to 
discern why they have from their first gatherings, and at almost 


vitally to the abolition of war, and, through a duly constituted 
international court of arbitration, the adjudication of all inter 
national contentions which can not be settled through the ordi- 
nary channels of conciliation and diplomacy. .. . | 

Instead of the enormous expenditure for arsenals and armories, 


battleships and navy yards, we would have them devoted t 


air spaces, breathing places; to weed out misery and poverty, 
and stamp out their ill-begotten child, the great white plague, 
which is ravaging so many of the masses of our people. We 
would have our people taught the arts and sciences, to be 
service, to teach them love and good will, the love of the good, 
the true, the beautiful, and the useful. 4 

Were half the power that fills the world with terror, 

Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts, 


Given to redeem the human mind from error, 
There were no need of arsenals and forts. 


diate disarmament of all countries, the time and the intelligence 
of our people surely demand that the extraordinary increase it 
the armed naval and military forces be limited and restricted 
rather than expanded and extended. We can not continue t 
increase the enormous burden and expense. We must call a halt 


as 
? LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 221 


‘some time. Why not now?—From address at National Civic 
Federation Conference, January 12, rgrt. 


The advice, “Workingmen of all countries, unite!” can not 
be carried into actual practice to the extent of similarity of 
organization and procedure. In trade unionism, the possibilities 
are promising for internationality in respect to recognition of 
union membership, in refraining from black-legging, and in finan- 
cial and other support in case of great strikes and lockouts. But 
politically, no two countries are on the same plane. There may 
be a general sentiment favoring the emancipation of labor every- 
where from its disqualifications, an agreement upon many points 
in an analysis of the injustices of society as now organized, and 

even common assent as to certain principles or maxims for guid- 
ance in forming the better society that is coming, but to fix hard 
and fast rules by which the wage-earners in all countries are to 
work in building for the future is an impossibility—From An- 
nual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Atlanta, Ga., November, 
| Igri. 


_ With the political issues and political factions of Mexico the 
American labor movement has no vital concern, but it has a deep 
abiding interest in the growth and progress of the cause of labor 
in Mexico, and it desires to do all that can be done in a spirit 

| of fraternity and codperation. The American labor movement 

| recognizes that in the organization of the Mexican workers there 
jlies an element of great hope, for there is a force that has power 

' to shape a great future for a people capable of conceiving great 

‘ideas and an understanding of the possibilities which human life 

lean attain when given opportunities and freedom.—American 

| Federationist, July, 1916. 


' 

| From the very beginning of our efforts to promote this Pan- 
American Federation of Labor one fundamental principle must 
be thoroughly understood. We, in the United States, concede to 
Mexico and the people of Mexico the right to work out their own 
problems according to their own ideals and in accord with their 
meeds and the conditions that exist. We must insist upon the 
same right for the United States. The American trade union 
Movement must have the sole right to determine the affairs of 


222 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the American trade union movement. Just as it will be 
to no movement to enforce American thought and American i 
stitutions upon other peoples, so it can not permit the theori 
of any other American country to dominate, minimize or chang 
the principles of the American labor movement... . 

The jurisdiction of a Pan-American Federation of Labor woul 
properly be to enable the workers of the various countries so t¢ 
direct affairs that no one of them would be used against the i 
terests of others, to promote certain fundamental principles 
common action and their universal application, such as standards 
of work and life, hours and conditions of labor and minimum 
wage established not by law but by economic action, to tak 
advantage of time and opportunity to cultivate the best relations 
between the national labor movements of the various countries 
and to work out in the interests of the common good those mat- 
ters upon which there is unanimous agreement. . 

The economic movement and other activities [in Mexico] havi 
not yet been fully differentiated from the revolutionary mov 
ment. The whole is an effort to express the desires and the ide 
of the people. The labor movement has adopted many forms 
and practices that will be modified later under conditions of 
peace and in the practical constructive work of the movement, 
There are some undesirable characteristics, but the labor move 
ment as it now exists in Mexico represents the best that they 
can do under the circumstances. It is the first efforts of a people, 
many of whom were recently slaves or peons, to work out th 
freedom economically as well as politically. . Pi 

There is great hope in this effort to bring aoa a Pan-Ame 
can Federation of Labor—a hope that is based upon the help 
fulness of the organized labor movements of Mexico and 
United States in helping to avert war between the two countries, 
The labor movement succeeded in doing what other organizations 
desired to do and hoped to do. . . . When, therefore, two great 
fundamental organisms in two countries eee were ‘threaten 
by war sent their representatives to a conference to discuss the 
mutual interests of the masses of the two nations concerned 
there was a conference of delegates authorized to speak in the 
name of the masses of both countries—a conference that resultec 
in brushing aside non-essentials and fictions that had been cre 
ated for prejudicing the minds of both nations and misinforming 


| 


| 
| 


| LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 223 


them in order that they might be more willing to clash in war. 
For the first time the desires and the ideals of the masses of the 
two nations were given an opportunity for expression in a great 
international crisis—American Federationist, August, 1916. 


_ Now that the danger of autocracy has passed, it behooves you 
men of America and of the Pan-American countries to organize 
more thoroughly for peace. The forces of war and conquest and 
exploitation have had their full organization; now we must more 
thoroughly organize that the voice of the peace-loving shall 
become the dominant word of our every day lives. The peace- 
loving, justice-loving peoples of the world must not again be 
taken by surprise as they were in August, 1914. The American 
labor movement hopes to bring about the best possible fraternal 
codperative and sympathetic action among the working people 
of all the Pan-American countries—From Address to Mexican 
and American Labor Conferees, at Laredo, Texas, November 13, 
(1918. 


TWENTY YEARS AGO 


The workers are not less, but perhaps more patriotic than 
all others, yet they abhor war for mere war’s sake. If the honor 
of our country has been insulted, if the interests of our people 


are assailed, if the lives of our men are wantonly or maliciously 
destroyed, none will be more ready to respond to a call to re- 
dress the wrongs and punish the evil-doers than the united wage- 
‘earners of our country, but no spirit of jingoism or false senti- 
mentality will move them from their well-grounded position that 
im any war labor must not only furnish the men to do the fight- 
ing, to be killed and maimed, but to have the suffering widows’ 
and orphans’ hearts bleeding, and the toilers thereafter to bear 
‘the burdens of taxation resulting from such a catastrophe— 


American Federationist, March, 1898. 


: 
j 


" 


For years the brave Cubans struggled and made sacrifices to 
attain liberty and independence from Spanish domination. 
Among the earliest sympathizers and codperators with that cause 
was the American Federation of Labor. And, at every con- 
vention thereafter, this sentiment was reiterated and emphasized, 


224 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


and at gatherings of labor in every city and town of the countt 

resolutions declaratory of the same sentiments were adopted. 
At its session at Cincinnati, 1896, the following resolution wa 

passed: 


“Resolved, That the American Federation of Labor in conventie 
assembled, hereby tenders its hearty sympathy to all men struggling 
against oppression, and especially to the men of Cuba, who for years 
have sacrificed and suffered to secure the right of self-government. — 

“Resolved, That the example of the people of France, in giving ree: 
ognition and aid to the Fathers in their struggle to secure the inde: 


upon the President and Congress to recognize the belligerent rights 
of the Cuban revolutionists.” 


The important events resulting therefrom are, in a 
measure, our concern. 


over the Cuban people and the impoverishment of her sons, ai 
last quickened the sympathies and the consciences of Americat 
manhood. Many efforts were made by our Government to se 
cure Cuba’s deliverance from her bondmaster. The die 0 


as of a platonic character, or that we were unwilling to bear ‘hi 
logical result of our humanitarian interest in the people of tha 
superb isle of the Antilles. Perhaps she took our pleadings @) 
manifestations of weakness or vacillation. She has found to he 
sorrow that we were as good as our word; and perhaps neve 
in the history of mankind was a war begun on so high a plan 
of honor and humanity, or calculated to be of so great an advan 
tage to the onward march of civilization. : 

From the ranks of labor came the quarter of a million of me 
who volunteered to sacrifice their lives upon the altar of thei 
country in so great a cause. Who, then, but the representative 
of labor have the better right to consider the very grave ques 
tions which have resulted from our war with Spain? 

It was with feelings of exultation that we read of the he 
men in the field, and in the ships—the brave members of th 
machinists’ union who accompanied Hobson on his perilous V0} 
age to danger and almost certain death; of the union boile 
maker who, in the midst of battle, gave up his life while repaii 
ing an injured boiler; of the men who fed the flames in the 
naces, knowing the perils which awaited them, yet unbuoyed b 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 22 5 


the excitement of the storm of shot and shell without; of the 
stout-hearted men who carried the guns and who were behind 
the guns; the men in the fever-stricken trenches of Santiago and 
San Juan. The brave toilers of America have covered themselves 
ind posterity with glory, which so long as liberty shall be a 
word with some meaning in the vocabulary of the language of 
yur country, will emblazon the pages of history in letters of gold, 
and be hailed with delight in ages untold. 

All through the perils of the war, the American heart beat as 
me in hope for victory; and, in the hour of our matchless tri- 
ymph, our pride and gratitude knew no bounds that so great a 
sontest was ended in so brief a period, and that not only might 
gut the right has won. 

Out of the war have grown questions of the most serious mo- 
ment to our people generally, and of direct interest to the wage- 
workers particularly. 

Is it not strange that, after entering upon a war with Spain 

0 obtain the freedom noel independence of Cuba, now that vic- 
has been achieved, the question of Cuban independence is 
ften scouted? Our people were ardent and honest in advocacy 
f Cuban freedom, and are impatient at any attempt to juggle 
ith the question. When the people of Cuba desire annexation 
our country it is time to discuss the subject; and in the mean- 
e the fruits of the victory for which they have striven so long 
so valiantly, and for which we went to war to aid them to 
jeve, must not be ruthlessly taken from them. 
‘The assurance given by the President regarding our duty to- 
ward Cuba, and that freedom and independence should be ac- 
lorded its people at the earliest possible moment consistent with 
ety and assured success, will have an important bearing upon 
fae solution of this question, and portends the success of the 
imary mission for which the war with Spain was undertaken. 
tom Annual Report to A. F. of L. Convention, Kansas City, 
ovember, 18098. 


PACIFISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 


True to the highest and best conception of human life the trade 
ion movement, from its first inception, has been opposed to 
. It recognizes that though others may fall, the brunt of war 


226 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


is borne by the working people; not only upon the battlefiel 
itself, but the burdens thereafter which war entails. We ca 
not be indifferent to, restrain our feeling of horror at, nor with 
hold our sympathies from, the slaughtered thousands of huma 
beings, even in the far East, regardless of the country towar 
which our predilections lie. 

International wars have become so destructive of human li 
and property that the world is shocked from center to circumfel 
ence at the holocausts now witnessed in battle. While it ma 
not be a practical proposition to ask for immediate disarma 
ment of all countries, the time and the intelligence of our people 
surely demand that the extraordinary increase in the armed nave 
and military forces be limited and restricted rather than ex 
panded and extended. We welcomed the establishment of th 
International Court of Arbitration at The Hague. May we no 
entertain the hope that its benign influences may be extend 
and make for universal peace? We recognize that in the las 
analysis, and in order to prevent any reaction that may lead t 
greater and more repeated wars and bloodshed, the success x 
international peace by arbitration must come from higher intelli 
gence and a better conception of the sacredness of human life 
Out of these well-springs will flow that kindred and human 


by conserving the rights of others. In the broad domain o 
human activity there is no force so potent and which will be s 
powerful to establish and maintain international peace and hi 
man brotherhood as the fraternization of the workers of th 
world in the international labor movement.—From Annual Ri 
port to A. F. of L. Convention, San Francisco, November, 190. 


You can not hope to secure international peace by the disarn 
ament of any one of the peoples of the world. I doubt that the 
is a single thinking American who would advocate in presel 
conditions, that the American people and the American gover 
ment should decide upon the policy of disarmament. We cat 
do it, my friends. For one country to disarm to-day when t 
world is an armed camp outside, would mean that that count 
would be wiped off the face of the map. We won’t do that a 
I shall not even discuss general disarmament now. We ho 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 227 


yeople to so impress it upon the Government of the United States 
hat in turn it will give most explicit instructions to the repre- 
entatives of the next Hague conference that at least, if they can 
lot agree upon general or gradual disarmament, that this constant 
yurden of expansion and growth of armaments shall be arrested. 
—From address at Labor Mass Meeting, Cooper-Union, New 
York City, April 16, 1907, in connection with International 
Peace Congress. 


If the inquiry were directed to what I pointed out, that is, 
he efforts to corruptly induce labor men to call strikes among 
ongshoremen and seamen, it would be fruitful of results. For 
everal months, at times I could scarcely avoid having people 
Ty to come in contact with me upon the scheme to call strikes 
vhich would affect the situation regarding the handling of prod- 
icts intended for European countries. In my opinion a diligent 
nquiry should be made into this entire matter. Without regard 
0 any sympathy for the one or the other of the nations involved 
n the war, had it not been for the honesty of the men at the 
ead of some of these organizations primarily in interest, there 
vould have been great strikes inaugurated at the instance of 
he agents of foreign governments. All my life I have tried and 
vill continue to try to secure the very best possible conditions 
f wages and hours for the workers of our country. If these 
annot be accomplished without strikes, I have no hesitancy in 
ncouraging strikes for their attainment, but such strikes will 
ave to be undertaken for these specific direct purposes and not 
or any ulterior purposes, and an improper purpose, and particu- 
rly when undertaken by corrupt or other means in the inter- 
ts of one nation as against the interests of another. Ours is 

American labor movement, and will be conducted by the 
nk and file and the officers of the American labor move- 

Gat... . 

When the time shall arrive and further disclosures are neces- 

ry, the people will learn with astonishment what has already 
ken place, and the obligations which all owe to the represen- 
tives of labor and what great temptations they have been hon- 

t and patriotic enough to resist in the effort to maintain first 

strict neutrality in the present European war, and also to in- 

t that the American labor movement shall be conducted by 


228 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the rank and file of that movement of our country free fron 
corrupting and contaminating influences of representatives 
foreign nations—From press interview, August, 1915. 


It is not an unbeautiful theory that has been dissipated by 
the shot and the smoke of the European war. There were many 
who held that an organized society was possible upon a basis 
of the brotherhood of man, in which all had regard for the rights 
of others and would subordinate their selfish interests to the 
welfare of others. This ideal made paramount the sanctity oI 
human life and regarded war as a relic of barbarism possible only 
because institutions of justice had not been sufficiently de 
veloped. Wage-earners generally of all civilized countries pro 
claimed and indorsed this ideal and declared that they would 
use every means within their power to prevent war even to the 
extent of stopping all of the industries of the nations through 
a general strike. There were many extreme pacifists who could 
find no justification for war or for the use of force in inten 
tional affairs. 

And I, too, found this ideal attractive. In a speech made 
April, 1899, in Tremont Temple, Boston, I said: | 


“The organized wage-worker learns from his craft association the 
value of humanity and of the brotherhood of man, hence it is no 
strange that we should believe in peace, not only nationally, but i inter- 


countries the value of our association in the labor movement. IH 
international peace can not be secured by the intelligence of those 1 
authority, then I look forward to the time when the workers will settl 
this question—by the dock laborers refusing to handle goods that are 
to be used to destroy their fellow men, and by the seamen of the world 
united in one organization, while willing to risk their lives in conduct 
ing the commerce of nations, absolutely refusing to strike down theil 
fellow-men.” 


the brutality, the destruction, and the waste of war. It seemée& 
to me that war and conditions of war cut through the venee 
of civilization and disclosed the brute in man. The consequene 


They make men callous to human suffering and they idea iz 
force. No one can hear of the atrocities of the terrible carnag 
of the present war, of the destruction on the battlefields and 0 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 220 


ae high seas without a feeling of horror that civilized men can 
lan such methods, can use the skill of their minds and bodies 
nd the wisdom of past generations to such terrible purpose. 
ut what if these horrors done to the bodies of men shall pre- 
ent greater horrors to the minds—the souls of men? 
The pacifists and those who hold to policies of non-resistance 
ave failed as I had failed to understand and to evaluate that 
uality in the human race which makes men willing to risk their 
li for an ideal. Men worthy of the name will fight even for 
“scrap of paper” when that paper represents ideals of hu- 
lan justice and freedom. The man who would not fight for 
wch a scrap of paper is a poor craven who dares not assert 
is rights against the opposition and the demands of others. 
here is little progress made in the affairs of the world in which 
sistance of others is not involved. Not only must man have a 
een sense of his own rights, but the will and the ability to main- 
in those rights with effective insistence. Resistance to injus- 
ce and tyranny and low ideals is inseparable from a virile 
ghting quality that has given purpose and force to ennobling 
guses in all nations. 
Though we may realize the brutality of war, though we may 
now the value of life, yet we know equally well what would 
e the effects upon the lives and the minds of men who would 
their rights, who would accept denial of justice rather than 
azard their physical safety. The progress of all the ages has 
yme as the result of protests against wrongs and existing condi- 
ons and through assertion of rights and effective demands for 
tice. Our own freedom and republican form of government 
ve been achieved by resistance to tyranny and insistence upon 
hts. Freedom and democracy dare not be synonymous with 
akness. They exist only because there is a vision of the pos- 
ilities of human life, faith in human nature, and the will to 
ake these things realities even against the opposition of those 
no see and understand less deeply. 
The people who are willing to maintain their rights and to 
fend their freedom are worthy of those privileges. Rights 
mry with them obligation—duty. It is the duty of those who 
fe under free institutions at least to maintain them unimpaired. 
“From address at annual meeting of The National Civic Fed- 
ition in Washington, D. C., January 18, 1916. 


: 


230 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Though we may realize the brutality of war, though we m 
know the value of life, yet we know equally well what wou! 
be the effects upon the lives and the minds of men who wou 
lose their rights, who would accept denial of justice rather th 
hazard their physical safety. The progress of all the ages has 
come as the result of protests against wrongs and cruel con 
tions and through assertion of rights and effective demands f 
justice. Our own freedom and republican form of government 
have been achieved by resistance to tyranny and insistence upon 
rights. Freedom and democracy dare not be synonymous with 
weakness. They exist only because there is a vision of the pos- 
sibilities of human life, faith in human nature and the will to 
make these things realities even against the opposition of those 
who see and understand less truly.—American Federationist, 
March, 1916. 4 


I am free to say that in our international relations I was ar 
ultra-pacifist until the breaking out of this war. I was willing 
to go the limit to stop war or prevent war. But when I foun¢ 
that the people responded to their colors, whether for kaiser, 
czar, president or king, I made up my mind that I have been 
living in a fool’s paradise, and that after all it is necessary for 
men to be prepared to defend themselves ——From address before 
Wilson Eight-Hour League, Washington, D. C., October 13, 


Ig16. a 


As you know the most insidious influences are at work 
only to create a pro-Kaiser propaganda but also to divide 
alienate from one another the nations and peoples fighting fi 
the freedom and democracy of the world. It is your duty as it 
is the duty of all to impress upon all labor organizations of Eure 


German socialists and certain other notoriously pro-German ag} 
tators in other countries either to bring about a Kaiser-dictatet 
peace under the deceptive catch-phrase “no annexations, no 
demnities,” or in the hope of deceiving the Russian socialist 
into betraying the great western democracies into consenting toé 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 231 


separate peace. It was for the above reasons I cabled yesterday 
direct to the Council of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Deputies at 
Petrograd.—Cablegrams, May 8, 1917, to Jouhaux, Secretaire, 
Sonfederation Générale du Travail, Paris, France; Louis Du- 
breuilh, Secretaire, Parti-Socialiste, Paris, France; G. J. Wardle, 
Mu. P., Chairman, The British Labor Party, London, England. 


The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor 
n session after due deliberation upon invitation received from 
you and from Oudegeest of Amsterdam, Holland, to send dele- 
gates to a conference proposed to be held at Stockholm Septem- 
ger seventeen, decided that we regard all such conferences as 
premature and untimely and can lead to no good purpose. We 
apprehend that a conference such as is contemplated would 
rather place obstacles in the way to democratize the institutions 
of the world and hazard the liberties and opportunities for free- 
Jom of all peoples. Therefore, the American Federation of 
Labor with its two million five hundred thousand members can- 
not accept invitation to participate in such a conference. If an 
international trade union conference is to be held it should be 
it A more opportune time than the present or the immediate fu- 
lure, and in any event the proposals of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor for international conference should receive fur- 
cher and more sympathetic consideration. Shall be glad to con- 
‘inue correspondence.—From message to President Lindquist, 
Stockholm Conference, June 27, 1917. 
| 
There are some people who have in their minds the thought 
that, after all, our Government was not neutral. I refer to the 
a which has been made that the United States and her 

ple furnished some of the countries at war with arms and am- 
unition and foods, etc., and that these acts were acts in con- 
lict with the principles of neutrality. Let me say this, that the 
Government of the United States up to the time of our entrance 
nto the war did not side with any of the contending countries. 
people of the United States were engaged in the manufac- 
ure and production of certain articles, which, under the laws 
f the country and under the laws of the world, were perfectly 
wwiul productions. They had the right to sell them to any one 
vho came to the United States and desired to buy. 


232 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


The American producer and manufacturer sold to those wht 
wanted to buy a lawful product. Now, if one or two of th 
countries could not buy these products and could not take then 
to their own homes, that was not the fault of the United States 
And let me say in connection with this, that no country noy 
contending in the war repeats that charge against the Unite 
States or attempts now to argue that the United States was un 
neutral because it sold its products to those who wanted to buy 

But in addition, during the Spanish-American War the manu 
facturers of arms and munitions in Germany sold these product 
to Spain, as well as to the United States. During the Boer Wai 
—a war in which my sympathies went with the Boers—Germanyj 
as well as other countries sold munitions to the Boers, as well a 
they did to England. During our Civil War the countries 6 
Europe furnished munitions and supplies to the Southern Con: 
federacy, as well as to the Federal Government. 

No one, no nation ever before attempted to cast a reflection 
upon any other nation because of the sale of munitions and sup 
plies to any one of the other countries—From address at com 
vention of New York State Federation of Labor, Jamestown 
N.Y., August 31, 1917. 


I know there are some religious, conscientious objectors. T. 
are opposed to war under all circumstances. They are non-resi 
ers and believe that that is the way out. That may be, some 
where in Timbuctoo, but not in Germany or France or Belgiun 
or Serbia or the United States. But ask the men or womel 
belonging to a labor organization what would be their attitud 
in the event of a conflict between their fellow-workers on the on) 
hand and the employers on the other? 

And let me say this, that I hold that a man who is a traito 
to his country is upon a par with the scab to his trade. I hay, 
a great appreciation and desire to see that the rights of the mi 
nority are protected. I believe that men have the right to ex 
press their dissent, but the expression of dissent is one thing ami 
the organizing of a movement to destroy the will of the majorit 
—that is not right and cannot be tolerated!—From address a 
cepting the presidency of the American Alliance for Labor an 
Democracy, Minneapolis, Minn., September 7, 1917. f 


y 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 233 


When it became clear that all which gives life value and vision 
was challenged by the forces that sought to throttle the power 
and to destroy opportunity for nations in order to build up dynas- 
tic special privileges, and it was plain that democracy the 
world over was in danger, then our Republic, the first great 
democratic venture, could not remain neutral in a struggle that 
meant so much to democracy. 

Back of the clash of battle, directing the mobilization of the 
material resources and man-power of the nation, deeper than the 
desires that bound men to the institutions of peace, stronger 
than their abhorrence for maiming and destroying life, is the 
ideal so deeply rooted in the spiritual fiber of men that they 
fight the most terrible war of the world’s history under its in- 
spiration. That ideal is human opportunity. Because we are 
convinced that the war we are waging will bring greater oppor- 
tunity for life not only to individuals but to nations, with full 
appreciation of the costs we count the gain greater than the loss. 
—American Federationist, October, 1917. 


I have heard some men criticize me rather severely because I 
have counseled my fellow-workers in the United States against 
participation at this time in international conferences in which 
representatives of the enemy country would participate. What- 

ver people have said about me, no one has accused me of being 
a fool. You can perhaps fool me personally quite easily, but 
it is not easy, I think, to catch me napping on any big question. 
My belief is that when these invitations to international confer- 
mces were sent out from Petrograd, or Stockholm or Berne, 
they were already more or less tainted with German militarist 
sympathies. You never have heard any German representative 
or any one with German sympathies urge an international con- 
erence of labor so long as it seemed likely that the Kaiser’s 
orces were marching triumphantly on Calais or Paris. As soon 
the German forces were checked it upset the whole plans of 
the Kaiser, because there was nothing in their whole plan of 
forty years’ preparation but that looked toward the onward 
arch of the militarist machine, over-riding and crushing every- 
ing before it like a juggernaut. After the halt that was the 
eginning of the end, the intrigues in the other countries be- 
an and international conferences were proposed.—From address 


234 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


at Canadian Victory Loan Meeting, Toronto, November 28 
IgI7. 


If any call should be issued for an international conference 6} 
workers of all countries of the world, the American Federatior 
of Labor will not participate. The people of Germany mus 
establish democracy within their own domain and make oppor 
tunity for international relations that life shall be secure thai 
the people of all countries may live their own lives and work out 
their own salvation, and unless this has been accomplished bj 
the German people themselves the allied democracies in thi: 
struggle must crush militarism and autocracy and bring a ng 
freedom to the whole world, the people of Germany included 
Until these essentials are accomplished an international labor 
conference with the representatives of the workers of all coun 
tries (Germany included) is prejudicial to a desirable and last 
ing peace——From cablegram to W. A. Appleton, Secretary Gen 
eral Federation of British Trade Unions, January, 1918. 

American labor glad to meet with representatives labor move 
ments of allied countries but refuses to meet representatives ° 
the labor movements of enemy countries while they are ight 
against democracy and world freedom. 

In the gigantic task to destroy autocracy there must be h 
coéperation among workers and we hope nothing will interfer 
with complete understanding and good-will between workers 0 
America and allied countries—From cablegram to W. A. Apple 
ton, Secretary General Federation of British Trade Unions, Jon 
uary 9, 1918. 


If any call should be issued for an international conference 0 
workers of all countries of the world, the American Federati 
of Labor will not participate. The people of Germany m 
establish democracy within their own domain and make oppat| 
tunity for international relations that life shall be secure, tha 
the people of all countries may live their own lives and wor! 
out their own salvation and unless this has been accomplished b 
the German people themselves the allied democracies in thi 
struggle must crush militarism and autocracy and bring a - 
freedom to the whole world, the people of Germany includec 


{ 


| 


: 


_ Until these essentials are accomplished an international labor 
conference with the representatives of the workers of all coun- 
tries, Germany included, is prejudicial to a desirable and lasting 
peace—From cablegram to Arthur Henderson, London, March 
13, 1918. 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 235 


Then came the murder of innocent men, women and children 
on the Lusitania. When in addition to hundreds of your own 
people more than one hundred American men and women and 
children were sent to the bottom 

[Interruptions from the audience: “Where they had the right 
to go,—they were capitalists.”] 

No, our people were traveling, people of the United States 
were traveling upon their legitimate business and going where 
they had the legal and moral right to go, and they were mur- 
dered in cold blood. Further than this there were the men who 
were cooks and waiters and stokers and sailors on these ships. 
They were not capitalists. That is the place where they made 
their living. They were murdered. They were murdered! The 
conscience of our people without regard to nationality or feel- 
ings or fatherland or motherland was outraged as was that of 
the people of the civilized world. Germany promised she would 
not do it again. By that promise she convicted herself of mur- 

er, for if she promised not to do it again it was a confession 
a she had no right to do it, and then she broke her faith 
gain, and her promises, like her treaties, were regarded as scraps 
maper. ... 
_ By that time I think our people had come to nearly one hun- 
per cent unity in the determination to live our own lives 
best we could and in our own way to help our allied countries 
in this war. Such a monstrous outrage shall not so easily again 
thrust upon the people. Thus it is a war against war, that is 
t this war is. It is a crusade, a war of the enraged civilian 
populations defending their menaced liberties and democracies. 
t is not a capitalist war. 
“ have seen one here and there who was an ultra-pacifist and 


ho would not defend himself or his home against a murderer. 
have heard others preach the same doctrine, and, whether they 
mow it or not, they were doing Germany’s work. If ever there 
iz a war in which the vital interests and the rights of the masses 
! 


7 


236 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


of the people of our democratic countries were involved, this 
the war.—From address before the London, England, Trad 
Council, September 22, 1918. 


+ 
ry 


‘a 


To-day we went to the Piave River and were right up to th 
front. We were as near the Austrians as the Italian and Ameri 
can soldiers were. It was a gratification for us to be in tha 
situation and that atmosphere—we pacifists transformed int 
fighting men! . . . This morning the Austrian aeroplanes wer 
over the Italian lines and dropped these two circulars calli 
upon the Italian soldiers to lay down their arms. They say tha 
Germany and Austria have accepted President Wilson’s fourteé 
propositions and, therefore, now that Germany and Austria 
ready to make peace, why continue the fighting? You know 
well as I know that the central powers have not accepted P 
dent Wilson’s fourteen points. They have said, “Let’s have ai 
armistice and then we will discuss these fourteen points,” but th 
purpose is simply the same devilish propaganda for the allie 
countries; let the Austrian and German soldiers call “Kamera 
Kamerad, Kamerad,” and then stab the defenseless Italian am 


their allied soldiers to death. Italy passed through that exp er 


Germany, her government and her underhand socialist prop 
ganda, planted the seed of discord in all the countries of th 
world in which she expected at some time or other to have wa 
trouble. That policy was to make internationalism the watel 
word among the people of these other countries while she main 
tained the spirit and the purpose of nationalism in Germany 
As a consequence, there are quite a number of people who at 
honestly and conscientiously now, in this war, willing to do any 
thing for what they believe to be internationalism and a premé 
ture peace. And this propaganda affords the opportunity for th 
paid agents of the German government and the Austrian go 
ernment, to work upon the credulity of the well-intentioned bi 


misguided idealists. .. . 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 237 


understood the German socialist propaganda from the first as 
being simply the tool of the German military machine of that 
government. As a consequence, the socialists of Germany, the 
socialists of Italy, the socialists of England, the socialists of 
France, have hated the American Federation of Labor—From 
address to the journalists of Padova, Italy, at officers’ mess, 
October 12, 1918. 


I ask you, men, whether you have seen in “Avanti” one word 

of encouragement for the Italian people to stand against German 
and Austrian aggression in this war? Every trick, every ma- 
neuver, every peace propaganda of the central powers to weaken 
the will of the people of Italy has been fully encouraged and ad- 
vocated by that group. A few days ago “Vorwdarts,” the official 
socialist paper of Germany, published editorially an appeal to 
German socialists to support the government in its military, 
economic, and political activities, and urged the soldiers and 
the people not to lay down their arms five minutes before the 
absolute security of their country had been guaranteed. Have 
you seen anything like such an appeal in the “Avanté’ to the 
Italian people? ... 
_ My associates and I went through France; we went through 
Belgium, what is not occupied by the military machine of Ger- 
many, and we have gone through parts of Italy. We have seen 
e devastation of that murderous military machine of the cen- 
tral powers. We have seen villages and cities destroyed and 
crumbled, with scarcely one brick or stone standing upon an- 
other. We have seen the instruments of torture by which Italian 
prisoners of war were clubbed to death after they were taken. 
e have seen, or know of men murdered in cold blood, of women 
avaged, and children killed. We have seen or know that men 
hd women and innocent children were sent to a watery grave 
pon the seas. Is all this to come to an end with Germany and 
Austria saying “sorry”?—From address at Milan, Italy, October 
3, 1918. 


We have been profoundly impressed by the unity of the real 
)eople of Italy, the people who make things go, who do things 
d who express and represent the true Italian spirit. It takes 
ut a drop of ink to besmirch a clear crystal glass of water, it 


238 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE | 


takes but one discordant note to mar the harmony of a wonder~ 
ful orchestra. We have observed since we have been in Italy 
the attempt to place the drop of ink in the crystal glass of water 
to besmirch the purity and the patriotism of the Italian people. 
We have seen since we have been here an attempt by just a 
small group to sound the discordant note. . . . There has not 
been one gallant or heroic effort made by the Italian army in. 
this war against militarism that has found one word of com- 
mendation or approval on the part of this group. ’ 
As soon as this little group of official socialists a mH “Avanti? 
knew that we were coming to Italy, they began their attacks upon 
us, trying to keep the people of Italy away from us so that they 
could not meet with us... . “Avanti” has said, I think it was 
in their issue of to-day, that if we represent four millions o 
working people we also represent millions of dollars. The fact 
of the matter is that no one can become a member of an organi= 
zation affiliated to the American Federation of Labor unless he 
is a wage-earner. We represent the wage-earners, and not the 
political tricksters of America or of Italy. It is nothing less 
than a malicious lie, uttered by the “Avanti” for the purpose of 
discrediting our men. Even if it were true, we can answer— 
“There are no German dollars.”—From address to American 
Italian League, Turin, Italy, October 17, 1918. ‘ 


I think you are aware that there was a labor conference held 
in London September 17, 18, 19, and 20, 1918, of the represen- 
tatives of the labor movements of the allied countries. It was 
the first one in which the American Federation of Labor partici 
pated since the outbreak of the war in 1914. The conferences 
held by these labor movements of the allied countries were re 


conferences in which the representatives of labor of the enemy 
countries would be permitted to participate. We would not 
meet them so long as the war was on. In August a delegation 
of five of us went over to the other side, and in addition to the 
other work we tried to do in the interest of uniting the people 


of the various allied countries, the labor movement to stand by 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 236 


their respective Governments until the war was won, in addition 
to that effort, which was no mean job, we attended this allied 
labor conference in London. We made some propositions, some 
of them of a patriotic character, and some of them of a practical 
character, suggestions and propositions, which we expressed the 
hope would be made part of the treaties between the countries of 
the world at the peace table——From testimony at hearing before 
Committee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, Janu- 


ary 3 and 4, 1919. 


American organized workers have always endeavored to pro- 
mote good will among the peoples of the world. The pcssibility 
of war has ever been regarded by them as the black shadow of 
an indescribable catastrophe. The interests of the workers are 
identified with those of peace. War has never meant to them 
opportunity for gain or exploitation. It has always meant to 
them privation, direst suffering, service on the firing-line and 
in the actual fighting of the war, and bearing the burdens that 
follow in its wake. The workers abhor war with all its fright- 
fulness, horror, bloodshed and mangled flesh, but they realize 
that there are greater evils than war. Peace secured through 
the surrender of a principle vital to liberty, justice and democ- 
racy is nothing less than coward servility. 

The American labor movement never advocated peace at any 

rice. It never encouraged nur gave support to any movement 
of peace at any price. While it recognizes that peace is essen- 
ial for normal, progressive development, it steadfastly refused to 
advocate peace at the sacrifice of the ideals of freedom and jus- 
pe “Our Shield Against Bolshevism,” McClure’s Maga- 
7 April, 1919. 


PREPAREDNESS—NOT MILITARISM 


It is plainly evident that the militia of our several States is 
iow never utilized except for purposes of ostentatious show or 
$s an element in labor struggles. There is not even a pretense 
hat they should be what they were originally designed for, ‘an 
tming of the people, a citizen soldiery, a National Guard.” 
mstead of being the popular organization in defense of homes 
d firesides, it has drifted into a machine of monopolistic op- 


240 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


pression against labor. But one of two courses is open to the 
trade unionists of our country upon the militia question. 

We must endeavor to bring back the militia of our several 
States to again become the popular military organization of the 
masses, with the election of the officers by the men; or, failing 
in that, our organizations will be compelled to declare that mem- 
bership in a labor organization and the militia at one and the 
same time is inconsistent and incompatible—From Annual Re- 
port to A. F. of L. Convention, Philadelphia, Pa., December, 
1892. 


In the German army are nearly thirty thousand officers. Few 
of them can afford to champion the cause of the “lower ovders 
of society.” From their supercilious bearing in public and from 
common reports as to their class prejudices and manner of life, 
precious few ever think of doing so. The working classes regart 
them as fomenters of war, allies of the titled aristocracy, willing 
servants of the capitalist in time of labor disputes, and enemies 
of the social progress that comes through peace. The very fact 
that marriage is forbidden to a German army officer unless he 
or his intended wife has a stated income, aside from his pay 

“sufficient to maintain one of his rank, ” points to snobbery 
parasitism, and fortune hunting. Thus, from every point 0 
view the German army officers form one of the main buttress 
to the feudal conception of society as against the democratic= 
or American—system. . . . It is to be remembered that thi 
German soldier is such by compulsion; he has not, like 
American soldier, voluntarily taken on his uniform, nor are thi 
officers, as are more than half in our army, promoted from thi 
ranks or transferred from civil life. Similarly, the high posts ii 
the public service, instead of being the gifts of the people, ari 
still frequently rewards to favorites of the powerful families 
With this fact comes the insistence upon social distinctions bi 
the well placed, distinctions carried by a pettiness of spirit intl 
the commonest relations of life. In Germany, “Herr Profes 
soren” and “Frau Doctorinnen,” and in Italy “Commendatore 
and “Cavalieri,” are thicker than “colonels” in Kentucky, wit 
the difference that they expect to be taken seriously as “uppe 
class” social luminaries—-American Federationist, January 


1910. f 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 241 


Whenever those who join in military camps or military train- 
ng must file applications stating their professions or callings, 
he officers in charge of this work are given a degree of discretion 
vhich will enable them to create and encourage undemocratic 
ustoms. The greatest protection against the dangers of mili- 
arism can be secured through making military training volun- 
ary and as general as possible and through fostering in the 
itizens the best conception of their duties as American citizens. 
Jne method that would promote this purpose is to make the 
aval and military national schools open to any one who desires 
o enter, and who has the necessary qualifications, just as en- 
rance to all other institutions of higher learning is open to those 
yho desire to take courses in those institutions. This policy 
yould enable those with ability and with ambition for that kind 
f work to render service to their country, and would create 
uch a large available supply of men trained to serve as officers 
hat we could feel that we had adequate protection and at the 
ame time had safeguarded against the evils of militarism. 
‘rom letter to General Leonard Wood, September 15, 1915, im 
esponse to invitation to visit training camp at Plattsburgh, N.Y. 


The labor movement is militant. The workers understand the 
lecessity for power and its uses. They fully appreciate the im- 
ortant function that power exercises in the affairs of the world. 
ower does not have to be used in order to be potential. The 
ery existence of power and ability to use that power constitute 
defense against unreasonable and unwarranted attack. Ability 
nd readiness for self-defense constitute a potential instrumen- 
ity against unnecessary and useless wars, or the denial of 
ghts and justice—From address at annual meeting of The Na- 
onal Civic Federation in Washington, D. C., January 18, 1916. 


There is another problem that has a very prominent place in 
neral thought at the present time—this is the problem of na- 
mal defense and preparedness. The European war has de- 
olished many of our ideas on the subject of peace and our 
mceptions of human psychology. As a result many have had 
abandon former conceptions of policies of national defense 
d preparedness. We have learned that some constructive 
sures can be adopted and a definite well coordinated plan 


242 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


evolved if our nation is to continue to hold its present position 
in the council of nations and if our citizens are to continue to 
progress and to secure increasingly better opportunities in out 
Republic. 

Formulation of plans and policies must necessarily be left 
largely to preliminary committees and commissions. The wage- 
earners of America are vitally interested in these plans and 
policies. They bear the brunt of fighting in times of war and 
suffer most from mistakes of militarism and lack of national 
preparedness. Therefore, it is essential that representatives of 
wage-earners should be appointed to all commissiens and com- 
mittees that deal with these matters—American Federationist, 
February, 1916. p 

Preparedness is something very different from militarism. 
Both leave an indelible impression upon the nation, one for free- 
dom and the other for repression. Militarism is a perversion of 
preparedness—instead of serving the interests of the people, the 
people are ammunition for these machines. They are destruc: 
tive to freedom and democracy. . . . 

Preparedness is an economic as well as a civic and a oan 
problem. The principles of human welfare can not be ignored 
in military matters or in plans for national defense, just as th 
can not be ignored in industry or commerce. That infinitely 
valuable and sacred thing human creative power, and the sa | 
guarding of human rights and freedom are of fundamental im: 
portance and are correlated with national defense and must 0 
be sacrificed to any false concept of national defense. For 4 


what end will a nation be saved, if the citizens are denied tha 
which give life value and purpose? 7 
National preparedness involves the codrdination and utiliza 
tion of national forces and resources. War, as it is being waget 

to-day, is determined not merely by the men on the battlefi 
but also by the mobilization of the national resources, natio} | 

industries and commerce. The real problem is the organizat 
of the material forces and resources of the country, the 
ordination of these in the furtherance of a definite military ¢ 
a 


Pe 


fense policy. 
All of the power and resources of the belligerent countries 
concentrated to sustain the armies in the field and to equip 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 243 


vith the necessary supplies as well as the weapons of war. The 
ontest between industries, the question of commercial control, 
ff superiority of economic organization are fully as important 
is the contest between the soldiers on the battlefield. Whatever, 
hen, is the necessary part of the human, of the organization of 
ndustrial and commercial life, is an important factor in national 
yreparedness. ... 

The developments, or rather the events, of the past eighteen 
nonths have proven that beautiful ideals and theories without a 
ractical foundation or a practical plan for realizing them, are 
yorse than ineffective, for they create an atmosphere of false 
afety and a false hope that lull into a fancied security and 
nactivity and act as a barrier against efforts to think out dif- 
erent and better ways. 

As a result of our experiences and observations during the 
last year and a half we, as a nation, have come to a different and 
| wiser attitude towards preparedness. We have come to see 
hat preparedness is only the wise forethought of a nation that 
las taken into account all of the elements of human nature, all 
Mf the possibilities and opportunities that may come to the na- 
ion, and has tried to think out a definite, sustained plan that 
vill insure to the nation the development and maintenance of 
heir best ideals for the citizens individually and for the nation 
s a whole. . 

_ We are confronted with a question that must be answered— 
dan democracy be made effective? Democracy, like every other 
juman and national institution, is still on trial. If democracy 
to maintain itself, it must be able to defend itself against 
ittacks and invasion. It must be prepared to defend institutions 
f freedom against force used by others. 

Institutions of democracy and ideals of freedom have never 
jeen free from attacks and insidious dangers. If we deem them 
orth defending, we must be ready and able to maintain them 
jith efficiency and effectiveness. 

Preparedness against war should be only a small portion of 
le general comprehensive national policy of preparedness to 
jeet all of the problems of life. It is an all- pervading problem. 
ans for preparedness against war must be in accord and co- 
ldinate with plans and policies for preparedness in all other 
ations of life. 


244 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Provisions for national defense and preparedness must be in 
accord with democratic ideals. In other words, military oe 
and military institutions must be a part of the life of the peopl 
rather than of a nature to alienate citizens from the spirit, the 
ideals and the purposes of civil life. A great danger comes from 
isolating the military, from making military ideals separate and 
often in conflict with those of the masses of the people. The 
military should not exist as something apart, but for the service 
of the whole nation. The naval and military institutions of our 
country which give a special training to those who have a par- 
ticular fitness and desire to follow military or naval professions, 
ought also to be open to all who possess the required Sar 
tions. Such a provision would enable men from all walks 
life to enter the army and the navy—a condition which in itself 
would be in accord with the spirit of democracy. 

Wherever the spirit of democracy is absent, there the accom 
panying evil of militarism, military castes, fasten deadly clutches 
upon freedom and civic opportunity, and obversely where the 
spirit of democracy obtains it tends to the abolition of milita: 
castes and the inherent vicious dangers of militarism ape 


Federationist, March, 1916. ‘ 


There is an immediate, critical situation which the labor move: 
ment must meet at once. The whole world is afire and there 
imminent danger that at any moment we may become part 
the conflagration. National constructive policies of preparedn 
and defense are now being formulated. The wage-earners 
the United States will have to recognize their obligations 
maintain institutions of liberty and justice if they are to h 
part in directing the spirit and the methods that shall be adopter 
for the defense of our Republic. 

Some plan will be adopted. Whatever the plan may be it a 
affect wage-earners primarily. If in this formative period nN 
labor movement shall clearly enunciate what part it is willing t 
take in defense of the Republic, it will be in a position to hay 
a voice in deciding the whole plan of national preparedness 
defense, but if the labor movement should hold aloof and shoul 
refuse to proclaim a constructive program, all wage-earners 
be forced to accept conditions and methods determined by thos 
who do not understand or sympathize with the aims or purpost 


Beso ei 


% i 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 245 


the labor movement. In other words, there is now a great 
portunity for wage-earners to participate in the formulation 
national policies and to assume a helpful, guiding, beneficent 
rt, performing their duties as citizens and at the same time 
uintaining the rights of free men in order to conserve human 
terests and welfare. 

Either duties and service in connection with national defense 
ll be imposed upon the workers without their advice when 
rmulating these plans, or labor must make this an opportunity 
r emphasizing the tremendous service that it has rendered to 
ciety, both in peace and in war, and for demanding that all 
ans be in harmony with the thought that human life and 
man welfare are the ultimate purpose which both peace and 
ir serve—From letter March 2, 1917, to presidents of all or- 
nizations affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and 
e chiefs of the four railroad brotherhoods. 


I favor some disciplinary measures for the youth of the land. 
believe this is essential for the promotion of true national 
sling; for the counteraction of destructive propaganda, and 
r the provision of that alertness, intelligence and amenability 
law which the youth of every nation sorely needs. We have 
st won the war against autocracy and militarism and I am 
posed to anything which even smacks of militarism. I have 
greatly impressed by the recent statement of Premier Lloyd 
porge of England, that one of the first fruits of the allied 
tory will be, to a large degree, the bringing about of disarma- 
mt among the great nations of the world, the reduction of the 
itary forces to the barest necessities and the cessation, in 
bat measure, of the manufacture of munitions. What the 
iciplinary measures and the training which may be required 
puld be I would not care to indicate without a further and 
re intensive study of the subject. It might include a certain 
jount of drilling, for the disciplinary value that drilling has, 
dW for its value in bringing about a better physical standard 
ng the youth of the nation. This might also be of value in 
event that some nation in the future should again attempt, 
}Germany has done, to usurp the function of world domina- 
1, in that it would make the raising and training of an army 
fer and more rapid. However, I cannot accentuate too 


246 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


strongly my absolute opposition to any measure that would ter 
toward militarism, the creation of a military caste or the turnir 
of the thoughts of the nation toward that vain thing known ; 
military glory—Statement to the press at Laredo, Texas, N 
vember 16, 1918. | 
The trade union movement is unalterably and emphatical 
opposed to “militarism” or a large standing army. “Militaris 
is a system fostered and developed by tyrants in the hope 
supporting their arbitrary authority. It is utilized by tho 
whose selfish ambitions for power and worldly glory lead the 
to invade and subdue other peoples and nations, to destroy the 
liberties, to acquire their wealth and to fasten the yoke of bom 
age upon them. The trade union movement is convinced by # 
experience of mankind that “militarism” brutalizes those inf 
enced by the spirit of the institution. The finer elements” 
humanity are strangled. Under “militarism” a deceptive pat a 
tism is established in the people’s minds, where men believe th; 
there is nobility of spirit and heroism in dying for the glo fi 
a dynasty or the maintenance of institutions which are inimic 
to human progress and democracy. ‘Militarism” is the appl 
cation of arbitrary and irresponsible force as opposed to reas¢ 
and justice. Resistance to injustice and tyranny is that vifi 
quality which has given purpose and effect to ennobling caus 
in all countries and at all times. The free institutions of 
country and the liberties won by its founders would have b 
impossible had they been unwilling to take arms and if nece 
die in the defense of their liberties. Only a people willing 
maintain their rights and defend their liberties are guarant 
free institutions. P| 
Conditions foreign to the institutions of our country have p 
vented the entire abolition of organized bodies of men trained 
carry arms. A voluntary citizen soldiery supplies what wol 
otherwise take its place, a large standing army. To the kz 
we are unalterably opposed as tending to establish the evils 
“militarism.” Large standing armies threaten the existence 
civil liberty. The history of every nation demonstrates that 
standing armies are enlarged the rule of democracy is lesser 
or extinguished. Our experience has been that even this citi 
soldiery, the militia of our states, has given cause at times 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 247 


ave apprehension. Their ranks have not always been free 
om undesirable elements, particularly the tools of corporations 
volved in industrial disputes. During industrial disputes the 
ilitia has at times been called upon to support the authority of 
jose who through selfish interests desired to enforce martial 
w while the courts were open and the civil authorities compe- 
nt to maintain supremacy of civil law. We insist that the 
ilitia of our several states should be wholly organized and 
mtrolled by democratic principles so that this voluntary force 
‘soldiery may never be diverted from its true purpose and used 
| jeopardize or infringe upon the rights and liberties of our 
sople. The right to bear arms is a fundamental principle of 
ir government, a principle accepted at all times by free people 
, essential to the maintenance of their liberties and institutions. 
fe demand that this right shall remain inviolate—From Annual 
eport to A. F. of L. Convention, Atlantic City, N. J., June, 
IQ. 
WHEN THE WAR CAME 


A declaration that represents the will of the people speaks with 
1 elementary power that makes the whole world give heed. 
ich a declaration was that made at a momentous conference 
aid in the American Federation of Labor Building, Washing- 
mn, D. C., on March 12, 1917. It was a gathering of the re- 
jonsible, authorized representatives of the trade union move- 
et of America to consider a national problem and to determine 
at attitude the organized labor movement ought to take in 
eeting that problem. Because of its daily struggle for justice 
d freedom in all relations of life, the organized labor move- 
lent speaks for the masses of the people. 

|As our national crisis has become increasingly acute and has 
adually dispelled even the most confident faith that our nation 
fuld be kept out of war, measures for national preparedness and 
ffense have been growing apace, but no practical program could 
| adopted or executed without the codperation of the men and 
men who use tools. Tools are the basic agencies of 
vilization. 

The greatest problem is always to secure the codperation of 
} those whose work is necessary in national defense. For de- 
ise our nation must rely upon its machinists and metal 


t 


248 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


workers, upon those who dig the ditches, who produce the ma- 
terials of war, upon those whose hands are on the throttles and 
levers of transportation, who connect the arteries of communica: 
tion. These workers have become free. They can no longer be 
told, Come here! Go there! Free workers must give consent. 
Then sympathy, understanding and codperation must be elicited. 
The armies of republics can not be made up of bondmen. All 
history has taught us that national codperation can not bi 
secured without arousing a spirit inspired by idealism and for 
tified by the assurance of the justice of their cause and th 
righteousness of their methods. ... . 

Though various members of the conference expressed dif 
ferences of opinion and suggested minor amendments to th 
declaration submitted to them by the council, yet they felt tha 
the changes were details rather than essentials, and they pr 
ferred to adopt the declaration as it was rather than interpose 
the slightest obstacle to the accomplishment of the purpose of 
the conference. The spirit of patriotism was deep and intense, 
but equally impressive and intense was the spirit of determina- 
tion to uphold the rights and opportunities of humanity. 

Without a dissenting voice the conference voted to adopt 
declaration.* 


* The closing sentences of this historic declaration of organized 
labor, adopted in Washington, March 12, 1917, three weeks before 
President Wilson appeared before Congress presenting the memorabl 
indictment against Germany, are as follows: 7 

“We, the officers of the National and International Trade Union 
of America in national conference assembled in the capital of 0 
nation, hereby pledge ourselves in peace or in war, in stress or if 
storm, to stand unreservedly by the standards of liberty and the safeti 
and preservation of the institutions and ideals of our Republic. 

“Tn this solemn hour of our nation’s life, it is our earnest hope 
our Republic may be safeguarded in its unswerving desire for peac 
that our people may be spared the horrors and the burdens of war 
that they may have an opportunity to cultivate and develop the art 
of peace, human brotherhood and a higher civilization. 

“But, despite all our endeavors and hopes, should our country 
drawn into the maelstrom of the European conflict, we, with thes 
ideals of liberty and justice herein declared, as the indispensable basi 
for national policies, offer our services to our country in every fiel 
of activity to defend, safeguard and preserve the Republic of the Unit 
States of America against its enemies whomsoever they may be, ar 
we call upon our fellow workers and fellow citizens in the holy na I 
of Labor, Justice, Freedom and Humanity to devotedly and patriot 
cally give like service.” 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 249 


No more important document was ever issued by a non- 
fovernmental agency in the history of this country. It heralds 
| new era when direction and administration over matters that 
concern the nation shall be in the hands of those whose brain, 
inew and nerve energy have been expended in the service of the 
lation. The men and the women whose hands are upon the 
vheels of industry and upon the throttles of transportation, who 
nan the ships that go out to foreign ports, were represented in 
he conference—who gave to the world a constructive declaration 
Mf principles whatever fate betide our nation—peace or war. 

It was the voice of the masses declaring ‘‘Let us plan to save 
lemocracy.” In every warring nation democracy has given way 
o autocracy. Labor wants to prove the efficiency of democracy 
—let us codperate upon a basis that will assure whatever of 
yalue we already possess and clear the way for the new era—the 
onstructive period of growth and progress under the inspiration 
ff our Democracy United and Efficient.—American Federationist, 
April, 1917; “American Labor’s Position im Peace or in War.” 


I prefer not to ally myself with the conscious or unconscious 
uwgents of the Kaiser in America——Message, May 10, 1917, in 
‘eply to request for use of name, by group of socialist organizers 
yf “First American Conference for Democracy and Terms of 
az to advocate a “speedy and universal peace.” 


_ The government has no right to lay upon citizens the duty of 
Iniversal service without assuring to them the means by which 
hey may live and by which those dependent upon them shall 
e enabled to live as befits those who are making the ultimate 
acrifice for their country. . . . Separation payments must be 
provided before the nation goes much further in arrangements 
or doing its part in the war. The government can not with 
ustice draft men into service, thus cutting off the income of the 
, mily, without making adequate provisions for maintaining the 
amily standards of life. The country is rich. It is now the 
Mancial center of the world. We can not wage a war for 
jumanity and at the same time fail to make provisions for 
umanity at home. If the war is to mean anything, it must 


250 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


own borders that we may be fit and capable to conserve humar 
rights and life in the new world we hope to establish.—A merican 
Federationist, June, 1917. 


No one in touch with the present situation imagines that the 
spirit of greed has been completely eliminated from the indus. 
trial and commercial world. Though we regret it, we cannot 
blind ourselves to the fact that the spirit of profiteering makes 
some employers willing to exploit workers and the nation’s nee¢ 
even in this world’s critical emergency. Firms in several locali- 
ties have asked for soldiers to prevent workers trying, through 
legitimate methods, to secure higher wages in order that theit 
standards may not be lowered through the constantly increasing 
costs of living. 

We know then that these unprincipled, heartless envloyal 
will not hesitate to make use of conscription machinery to rid 
themselves of “undesirable” workmen and thus give such em. 
ployers a free hand to force unendurable conditions of work 
and pay. 

It is the desire of all good citizens that in our efforts to fight 
a war for justice abroad we shall not at the same time impose 
injustice upon men and women at home. In order to hae 
discrimination or favoritism and to create in the minds of thr 
masses of citizens confidence that the government desires to dc 
justice to all, the organized labor movement urges that repre 
sentatives of ‘labor be upon all exemption boards. This matte 
has been taken up with officers charged with the administration 
of the selective conscription law.—From press statement, Jum 
IT, POR7. 


At the first meeting of the Committee on Labor of the Counei 
of National Defense, a resolution was adopted protesting agains 
this general movement to suspend labor laws and labor stand 
ards. That resolution was referred to the Advisory Commissior 
adopted by that body, and also by the Council of Nationé 
Defense. Strangely enough when the resolution was made pul 
lic, the metropolitan press, with one accord, misinterpreted th 
thought and purpose of the resolution by sensational headline 
and editorial comment to the effect that the workers would foreg 
all strikes during the period of the war and would agree to an 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 251 


onditions rather than interrupt production. This statement was 
n direct conflict with facts. No representative of organized 
abor has been authorized to make such a declaration, and no 
ne has made such a declaration. .. . 

In addressing that committee [Committee on Labor, May 15, 
917| he [President Wilson] made the following statement: 

“T have been very much alarmed at one or two things that have hap- 
ened: at the apparent inclination of the legislatures of one or two 
f our states to set aside even temporarily the laws which have safe- 
uarded the standards of labor and of life. I think nothing would be 
iore deplorable than that. We are trying to fight in a cause which 
eans the lifting of the standards of life, and we can fight in that cause 
est by voluntary cooperation.” 

These declarations are in accord with the principles adopted 
y the representatives of the organized labor movement of Amer- 
sa before war was declared.—A merican Federationist, July, 1917. 


When I worked at the bench, I was in a number of strikes. 
Phere was one strike in the shop in which I was working, and my 
udgment was that it was an inopportune time for the men in 
hat shop to strike. I was firmly convinced that they were 
ustified in striking, but I knew as well as I know anything that 
las not yet occurred, that we would be defeated if we inaugu- 
ated the strike. 

_I was the only man in that shop who had that view. I did 
lot vote against the strike. I expressed my views to the boys, 
ut they did not hold my view and they decided that we should 
rike. Do you think for a moment that I would remain in that 
op and work while they went on strike? 

> Supposing in any of our unions a question, a wage reduction 
F a demand for a wage increase came up and the question of 
riking was adopted by two-thirds of the men, or three-fourths 
them—do you think for a moment that the one-third or the 
e-fourth of them have the right to say that the three-fourths 
é wrong and that they are going to continue to work and play 
e part of the scab and the strike-breaker? I hold that the 
e rule applies to the republic in which we live. I suppose 
t there are not many, in our time, who will hold that our 
untry can be governed without laws of some kind. 

We have a Constitution—the Constitution of the United 
tes, We are living under the Declaration of Independence. 


252 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


Under the laws and the Constitution of the United States, the 
representatives and senators in Congress assembled have the 
power to declare and make war. In the Senate of the United 
States, in the House of Representatives of the United States, 
there were not more than two or three who voted against the 
Government and the people of the United States making war 
upon the Imperial Government of Germany. In other word 
the representatives of the people of this Republic, in Congress 
assembled, under the authority of the Constitution of the United 
States, made that declaration of war. 

Any man living in our country who is unwilling to stand be: 
hind that declaration is unworthy to enjoy the guarantees of 
peace—From address at convention of New York State Federa 
tion of Labor, Jamestown, N. Y., August 31, 1917. 


There are some people who have said that this question 
the declaration of war should have gone to a referendum vo 
I wonder, if a band of a dozen or more men would endeavor fe 
surround the home in which you live and then demand: your 
surrender of your property, and in-the meantime, while you aré 
considering the subject, discharge their revolvers, killing your 
wife and your children—whether you would call a meeting for 
the deliberation of the subject and a vote as to whether you 
should defend yourself. 

As one who has for nearly his whole life been an advocate of 
the initiative and the referendum in legislation as well as if 
the labor movement, I am free to say this—that if a situation 
occurred such as I have tried to outline to you, I would try to 
pull first before the other fellow got it on me—From address 
accepting the presidency of the American Alliance for Labor ana 
Democracy, Minneapolis, Minn., September 7, 1917. 


Suppose we had decided to take a referendum vote after tht 
Lusitania was sunk. How was it to be taken? It might have 
taken six, seven, eight months before the final decision. é 
provision in the Constitution speaks of a referendum in casi 
of war? In the meantime, if it hadn’t been for the proud fighting 
remnant of outraged Belgium and the men of France and thi 
whole-hearted Britishers, we might have had a visit from thi 
Imperial Kaiser, and we would have had to tell him to pleas 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 253 


vacate because we hadn’t completed our referendum.—From 
address at Faneuil Hall Meeting under auspices of the Central 
Labor Union, Boston, May 1, 1918. 


THROUGH THE HEAT AND BURDEN 


The American Alliance for Labor and Democracy sends greet- 
ings to the fighters for liberty in Russia as brothers in the same 
cause. The aims of the Russian democracy are our aims; its 
victory is our victory and its defeat is our defeat; and even the 
traitors that assail the Russian democracy likewise assail us. In 
the conflict for the liberty of Russia, the liberty of America is 
likewise at stake. Every Russian soldier who faces unflinchingly 
the enemy in the field is striking a blow for the liberty of 
America—From message to Russian Premier Kerensky, Sep- 
tember 13, 1917. 


It is proposed as a result of a great conference which closed 
in Minneapolis a week ago to-night, so far as possible to let 
every controversial question be laid on the table until after the 

war is closed. Of course, my friends, I would not have you or 
_any one else interpret that statement to mean that the human 
aspiration for a better life can be or will be suppressed; that 
| ought to be encouraged; but shall we array church against 
church, party against party, religion against religion, politics 
against politics, nationality against nationality, aye, even wrangle 
Over raising funds to carry on the war, the bonds that are to 
be issued? - Let us do our share to see to it that Uncle Sam 
"has the fighting men and the men to produce at home and the 
money with which to carry on the war. Let us defer questions 
-which can be deferred, questions that are likely to divide any 
‘appreciable element of our people in this war; let us remain 
united and fight it out, no matter how long we fight, until 
America and America’s allies shall have proved victorious in the 
struggle—From address before The National Security League, 
Chicago, Ill., September 14, 1917. 


The expression has long been accepted as fact—that we of the 
United States are not yet a nation. That development will come 
Out of the bloodshed and the united effort necessary to defend 


254 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


our republic. Sometimes in the world’s history, through the 
shedding of blood comes redemption. | 
The fundamental condition necessary for unity of action is 
understanding of the issues involved and the purposes of the 
government. Misunderstanding is the root of much evil and 
can not be permitted when so much is at stake. . . . . 
Because of common peril and common conviction, there hall 
developed a deeper and truer spirit of fraternity and comradeship 
in the work of this war. The ideals that are the meaning of 
America, are at stake and the citizens have been conscripted into 
service in their defense. This conscription does not imply only 
enforced service but a dedication of our lives and all that we 
have and are in furtherance of democratic institutions and op 
portunity.—A merican Federationist, October, 1917. 


Some have said that they want an immediate peace. I ask 
you, my friends, and I pray that you may ask any one who 
urges an immediate peace, what the meaning of it all would be. 
Suppose we could establish peace this very night and wake up 
to-morrow morning with this war ended, what would 
mean? si; 

With peace to-morrow morning, the Kaiser’s military machine 
has won, the whole history of the world for all time must write. 
down that the militarist machine of the Kaiser has been vic= 
torious. . . 

A peace to-morrow morning is a justification of the policy of 
German militarism and the mere postponement of the balance of 
the fight to some other time. We are in this war, men and 
women—we are in this war! We may never again find the 
civilized nations, the democracies of the world, so united against 
autocracy and militarism—From address at Anti-Disloyalty 
Mass Meeting in Carnegie Hall, New York, November 2, 1917 


A few weeks ago a Russian came to my office in Washington, 
and while we were discussing certain matters he was seriously 
asked the question whether he approved of the idea being pr 0- 
claimed by some Russian leaders that there should be a vote by 
the soldiers whether or not a particular advance should be made. . 
He answered yes. He really believed it. Can you imagine @ 
great army corps covering an area of two, three or four hundred 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 25 


miles, and each regiment and each company voting on the ques- 
tion of whether they should advance or retreat? And just 
imagine one regiment voting aye and another voting no! What 
wonderful discipline and effectiveness there would be in such an 
army! I wonder where General Haig would be if that system 
prevailed in the forces of the British, Canadian or Australian 
boys? This is war. This is not playing a game of war, and 
when the Congress of the United States or the Parliament of 
Canada has decreed lawfully a certain course, it is the duty of 
every man to stand by and see that that policy is put into suc- 
cessful operation. The same is equally true of the general staff 
of any army. When the Commander in Chief issues an order it 
is the duty of every soldier to obey.—From address at Canadian 
Victory Loan Meeting, Toronto, November 28, ror7. 


This war has brought out in illumination a new interpretation 
of service. This war is being fought by whole nations, not 
merely by the men on the firing line. Those in military service 
are helpless without the codperation of those rendering service 
in industry and in transporting troops, in making supplies and 
munitions of war. This war has no place for parasites or special 
privileges founded upon tradition or legalistic fiction. There is a 
place only for those who render service. This is the revolution- 

ary spirit which the world war is breeding in every country and 
in every army, our own included. 

Those who stand on the firing line and face death in the most 
awful forms that human intelligence can devise will never again 
- accept unquestioned institutions and standards based upon any 
other principle except service. Those in the factories, the mines, 
and the shops who have once had this war standard applied to 
their work, will accept none other unquestioned. 

This is the spirit of revolution which has been felt stirring us 
all. It is this revolutionary spirit seeking justice in all relations 
between men that has aroused concern for existing institutions. 

But there is nothing to fear from this constructive spirit of 
revolution. On the contrary, it presages a new age—a forward 
movement for the well-being of humanity. It is the thrilling 
spirit of the Marseillaise that has stirred many a heart to deeper 
determination for service in the cause of human freedom. 

It is the purpose of all liberty-loving men and women that 


256 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


this shall be the nature and the effect of the war for which they 
are sacrificing so much.—American Federationist, December, — 


1917. 


An injured worker, physically disabled in some respect, is an 
additional hazard in industry and at once raises the question as 
to the application of compensation laws. These workers may 
not attain the same degree of efficiency as do other workers. 
This raises wage problems. As a matter of public policy our na-— 
tion can not afford to be responsible for under-cutting wages of 
normal men through the employment of those of subnormal ef- 
ficiency. The whole problem of placing back into the economi 
structure returned and disabled soldiers, without safeguards, is a 
complicated problem but one that must be met by the nation.” 
Many of these soldiers who return will be unable without as- 
sistance to find a place in industry and society where they can 
be self-supporting and self-respecting. There is need of national 
coordinated action for the protection cf these men, as well as 
for the protection of national interests. 

The nation has felt justified in conscripting men and asking” 
them to do service under the most terrific hazards and dangers | 
that the world has ever known. The nation can not shirk 
responsibility of taking care of those who suffer because of this 
service. The establishment of ways and means to discharge this 
duty must be met without delay, and long before the war has” 
been won.—A merican Federationist, January, 1918. 


We are face to face with a world crisis. We are in a world 
struggle which will determine for the immediate future whethe 
principles of democratic freedom or principles of force shall dom= 
inate. The decision will determine not only the destiny of 
nations but of every community and of i individual. 
life will be untouched. 

Either the principles of free democracy or of Prussian mili | 
taristic autocracy will prevail. There can be no compromises, 
So there can be no neutrality among nations or individuals—we 
must stand up and be counted with one cause or the other. For 
Labor there is but one choice. 

The hope of labor lies in opportunity for freedom. The 
workers of America will not permit themselves to be deceived or 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 257 


deceive themselves into thinking the fate of the war will not 
vitally change our own lives. A victory for Germany would 
mean a pan-German empire dominating Europe and exercising a 
world balance of power which Germany will seek to extend by 
force into world control. 

Prussian rule means supervision, checks, unfreedom in every 
relation of life. 

Prussianism has its roots in the old ideal under which men 
sought to rule by suppressing the minds and wills of their 
fellows; it blights the new ideal of government without force or 
chains—political or industrial—protected by perfect freedom 
for all. 

Unless the reconstruction shall soon come from the German 
workers within that country it is now plain that an opportunity 
to uproot the agencies of force will come only when democracy 
has defeated autocracy in the military field, and wins the right 
to reconstruct relations between nations and men. The peace 
parleys between Russia and Germany have shown the futility of 
diplomatic negotiations until Prussian militarists are convinced 
they can not superimpose their will on the rest of the world. 
Force is the basis of their whole organization and is the only 
argument they will understand. 

Spontaneous uprisings in Germany in protest against the mili- 
tarist government have shown that the German government is 
still stronger than the movement for German emancipation. 
German freedom is ultimately the problem of the German people. 
But the defeat of Prussian autocracy on the battlefield will bring 
an opportunity for German liberty at home. 

We have passed the period when any one nation can maintain 
its freedom irrespectively of other nations. Civilization has 
closely linked nations together by the ties of commerce, and 
quick communication, common interests, problems and purposes. 
‘The future of free nations will depend upon their joint ability 
ito devise agencies for dealing with their common affairs so that 
the greatest opportunity for life, liberty and pursuit of happiness 
Imay be assured to all. 

This matter of world democracy is of vital interest to Labor. 
Labor is not a sect or a party. It represents the invincible 
idesire for greater opportunity of the masses of all nations. Labor 
is the brawn, sinews and brains of society. It is the user of 


258 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


tools. Tools under the creative power of muscle and brains 
shape the materials of civilization. Labor makes possible every — 
great forward movement of the world. But labor is inseparable 

from physical and spiritual life and progress. Labor now makes ~ 
it possible that this titanic struggle for democratic freedom can — 
be made. 

The common people everywhere are hungry for wider oppor- 
tunities to live. They have shown the willingness to spend or 
be spent for an ideal. They are in this war for ideals. Those 
ideals are best expressed by their chosen representative in a 
message delivered to the Congress of the United States January — 
8, setting forth the program of the world’s peace. President 
Wilson’s statement of war aims has been unreservedly endorsed ~ 
by British organized labor. It is in absolute harmony with the 
fundamentals endorsed by the Buffalo convention of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor. 

We are at war for those ideals. Our first big casualty list has 
brought to every home the harass and the sacrifices of war. This ~ 
is only the beginning. A gigantic struggle lies just ahead that 
will test to the uttermost the endurance and the ability and the 
spirit of our people. That struggle will be fought out in the © 
mines, farms, shops, mills, shipyards, as well as on the battle- 
field. Soldiers and sailors are helpless if the producers do not ~ 
do their part. Every link in the chain of the mobilization of the 
fighting force and necessary supplies is indispensable to winning — 
the war against militarism and principles of unfreedom. 

The worker who fastens the rivets in building the ship is per- 
forming just as necessary war service to our Republic as the” 
sailor who takes the ship across or the gunner in the trenches. | 

This is a time when all workers must soberly face the grave 
importance of their daily work and decide industrial matters 
with a conscience mindful of the world relation of each act. 

The problem of production indispensable to preventing un 
necessary slaughter of fellowmen is squarely up to all workers— 
aye, to employees and employers. Production depends upon ma- 
terials, tools, management, and the development and mainte- 
nance of industrial morale. Willing codperation comes not only 
from doing justice but from receiving justice. The worker is a 
human being whose life has value and dignity to him. He is 
willing to sacrifice for an ideal but not for the selfish gain of 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 259 


another. Justice begets peace. Consideration begets codpera- 
tion. These conditions are essential to war production. Pro- 
duction is necessary to win the war. 

Upon the government and upon employers falls the prepon- 
derance of responsibility to securing greatest efficiency from 
workers. Standard of human welfare and consideration of the 
human side of production are part of the technique of efficient 
production. 

Give workers a decent place to live, protect them against con- 
ditions which take all their wages for bare existence, give them 
agencies whereby grievances can be adjusted and industrial jus- 
tice assured, make it plain that their labor counts in the winning 
a war for greater freedom, not for private profiteering, and 
workers can be confidently expected to do their part. Workers 
are loyal. They want to do their share for the Republic and 
for winning the war. 

This is labor’s war. It must be won by labor and every 
stage in the fighting and the final victory must be to count for 
humanity. That result only can justify the awful sacrifice. 

We present these matters to the workers of free America, con- 
fidently relying upon the splendid spirit and understanding which 
has made possible present progress, to enable us to fight a good 
_ fight and to establish principles of freedom throughout the whole 

world. We regret that circumstances make impossible con- 
_ tinuous close personal relations between the workers of America 
and those of the allied countries, and that we can not have repre- 
sentation in the Inter-Allied Labor Conference about to convene 
in London. 

Their cause and purpose are our cause and purpose. We can 
not meet with representatives of those who are aligned against 
us in this world war for freedom, but we hope they will sweep 
away the barriers which they have raised between us. Freedom 
and the downfall of autocracy must come in Middle Europe. 

_ We doubly welcome the change if it come through the workers 

of those countries. While this war shall last, we shall be work- 
ing and fighting shoulder to shoulder with fellow workers of 
Great Britain, France, and Italy. We ask the workers of Russia 
to make common cause with us, for our purpose is their purpose, 
that finally the freedom lovers of all countries may make the 


260 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 
world safe for all peoples to live in freedom and safety.—Amert- 
can Federationist, March, 1918. 


To THE RuSSIAN PEOPLE: 
Prussian militarism and brutality menace free Russia now as 


. 


4 


never before. Just as it would despoil all free countries, so now 
the German military machine is sweeping on, despoiling vast — 


sweeps of Russian territory. .The clear object of Germany is the 
destruction of Russian freedom and the annexation of a great 
area of Russian territory. 


German autocracy is the great, unscrupulous enemy of all — 
free peoples. Democracy can not live anywhere unless this — 
autocracy is crushed. Democracy everywhere must sweep back © 


the German tyrants in defeat. 


The American people understand the German plan. They 
have pledged everything they possess to defeat it for freedom’s — 
sake. With all other free people they have been shocked but © 
not surprised at the duplicity of Germany in its dealings with © 
Russia. Now that the German mask is off entirely and the | 


German armies are marching over Russian soil to conquer and 
hold, the free people of America send a message of encourage- — 


ment to the free Russians. We say, rally to the struggle against _ 


autocracy. Only armed force can meet the German hordes. 


The working people of America are with you and with all free — 
peoples in the common struggle for freedom and its boundless — 
opportunities. Hold the line! Rise in all your might and strike 


for your home, your lives, your liberties. The democracies of 
the world, determined to maintain freedom, can not be beaten 
if they stand firmly together. 

We, the working people of America, call across the world to 
you to pledge again our whole strength in the common struggle 
for humanity. Stand with us to the end for the right of all 
peoples to be free. Stand with us to win this war against enslav- 
ing and debasing autocracy. We sent you cheer and our pledge 
of high resolve and fixed purpose. Let the free peoples of the 
world stand shoulder to shoulder for the defeat of militarism, 
autocracy and the enslaving of the human race—WMessage to the 
People of Russia, March 1, 1918. 


For those whose dear ones are in places of great danger it is a 
comfort to know that the American Red Cross is performing 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 261 


more effective service on a larger scale than ever before. . . . 
Is time goes on the scope of the work of the Red Cross in 
Europe will increase in order that the organization may meet the 
lemands that will be made upon it. It must receive the full 
ind hearty support of the American people. It is only through 
juich an agency that we can be assured relief and necessary min- 
stration to our young men forming our military force—From 
ress Statement, March, 1918. 


We are at war, and as far as I am concerned, that war has 
ot to be fought until either autocracy is crushed or democracy 
mthroned. I am not going to encourage my fellow countrymen 
n a discussion of peace when there is no peace possible. If 
aver the present day pacifists have been confounded the situation 
n Russia is their answer. . . . To talk peace now is playing the 
serman game to win the people of the allied countries from the 
vill to fight for the right. Talking peace now is not doing the 
ause of democracy and of our Allies the right kind of service. 

In the United States, our President has given forth our funda- 
mental war aims. England and France have declared adherence 
to those war aims. The American labor movement stands be- 
tind the President of the United States. The labor movements 
of France and of England have also declared their acceptance 
of the position of the war aims as set forth by President Wilson. 
Then, wherefore, why this criticism of the American labor move- 
nent? In what are we behind? I venture to express the opinion 
that there is not better agreement, if there exists so good between 
the Government of any of the countries fighting in Europe— 
Allies and all—as there exists between the Government of the 
Jnited States and the American Federation of Labor. I think I 
im justified in believing that that statement may be regarded by 
}ome with a degree of contempt, simply because it is so near; 
lt is at home, and it is the American labor movement, and the 
Intellectuals, so-called, are not dominating that movement.— 
‘rom address at reception to the Visiting British Labor Union 

elegates, tendered by The National Civic Federation, March 
6, 1918. 


| Workers of America—you have as much if not more at stake 
any other group of citizens. You are urged to subscribe as 


262 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


generously to this loan as is within your power. Do all that y 
can for the common cause of democracy and freedom the wor 
over.—From press statement, April, 1918. 


Whether there shall be freedom, opportunity and progress, | 
repression and autocratic control rests with the conflict no 
raging. Every nation has something vital at stake. 

Our own country is fighting for the principles and the inst 
tutions which our fathers expressed in the Declaration of Ine 
pendence, the Constitution of the United States, the Monr 
Doctrine, the Emancipation Proclamation, that the labor of 
human being is not a commodity or article of commerce, ¢ 
every other issue that has reached the fundamentals of hum 
relationship. 

The fundamental demand which labor makes at the begi 
ning of the second year of the war is that workers be accord 
power in proportion to their responsibility. Wherever prodt 
tion has been organized on the human as well as the materi 
side, and where there are maintained well-established principl 
of industrial justice and human well-being, wage-earners hay 
rendered splendid service in the war for human freedom. e 
ever their experience and their position is not considered pi 
duction has not been organized in a way to secure the fu 
output, and workers, although without power to act, have 
unjustly held in a large degree responsible for any failure. . . 

America’s workers are doing their part not only in war p 
duction but in all lines of service. They are in the fighting li 
on the ships, helping to direct the legislative and administratiy 
agencies of government, supporting the financial resources nece 
sary to the war, contributing to the Red Cross, and other benel 
cent agencies. In short, there is no national interest with whic 
they are not identified. This in itself demonstrates the dem 
cratic genius of our people and our Republic, and it is becau 
of this democratic tradition, spirit and opportunity that | 
workers are ready to render loyal service. They know th 
American democracy is a vital force giving them opportuni 
something of greater value than anything else in life. 
know that autocracy would wrest from them all that they 
of value. 

The second year of the war finds them with unflinching 
- 
| 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 263 


rmination to fight until autocracy has been destroyed and 
mocracy assured. Now for whole-hearted, whole-souled drive 
all our people—soldiers, sailors, airmen and workers—a drive, 
resistless conquering drive that shall result in bringing a last- 
g peace to the world and establish justice, freedom and democ- 
cy to all the people of all the world—American Federationist, 
bril, 1918. 


There is no question but what there was understanding be- 
een the socialist political leaders of Germany and the German 
iperialist Government to carry out its policies. The socialists 
the German Reichstag voted solidly for the military credits of 
at Government. The socialists of Germany began the propa- 
nda years and years ago to instil into the minds of the peoples 
other countries that which was in accord with their Emperor’s 
claration that he was a war lord, but he proposed to use the 
eat army of Germany to maintain the peace of the world; and 
= propaganda of the German socialists was to hypnotize the 
ople of all the other countries into believing that there was no 
ed on their part, on our part, to prepare against any hostile 
monstration on the part of the German army. 

The philosophy of human brotherhood is an alluring one, and 
e to which I have been a devotee nearly all my life. My 
ends in America, my friends who are here, who know me, 
ow that I never was fooled by the sophistry and pretences of the 
flalists. As a matter of fact, there is not in England, France, 
r America a socialist party of those countries. In America we 
ve a German branch of the German socialist party. Let me 
plain a moment something that may be illuminating. The 
cialist Party of the United States is made up of different na- 
malities and some Americans. The Americans have left the 
rty since the perfidy of the Socialist Party in the United States 
len it revealed its true colors, when it showed itself to be a 
rman agency in the United States. 

There have been many attempts made since the war began, to 
t the American labor movement into a conference for the pur- 
S of discussing questions of peace. And I may say in passing 
at I trust you will understand that when I use the term ‘“‘Amer- 
v’ I do not use it in the sense of the United States alone; I 
fer to America, this great American continent of ours. We 


264 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


have our different political systems and governments, independe 
of each other, but we are brothers in a great common cause. A 
this conference it was proposed the representatives of the lab 
movement of Germany and Austria should participate. We hay 
declared that we will meet with the representatives of labor of 
allied countries, but we will not confer with the representatives a 
enemy countries unless first the German army and hordes get ou 
of France and Belgium and back on to German soil, or until w 
have smashed kaiserism, if in the meantime kaiserism is ne 
smashed from within. 

Desirous of having a general understanding, representatives ©: 
labor, of Canada and of England, have come to the United State 
for conferences, and conferences have been held. Recently ai 
other delegation of British workers came to the United Stat 
for conference and for the purpose of conveying to the peor 
the real situation and the real needs, and the duties of all. TE 
American Federation of Labor has sent over a delegation of sever 
men and two women, wage workers. ‘They have been in Grea 
Britain now for about two and a half weeks. Your papers thi 
morning give an account of their activities on the other side am 
the statement is cabled over here from London that the though 
among the workers of England of conferences with the ae 
countries has almost entirely disappeared. 

From address in the Canadian House of Commons, oto 
Can., April 27, 1918. 


Workers of America, the safety of that battle line in Fra 
depends mainly now upon us. We must furnish the majorit 
of those in the trenches. We must build the ships that carr 
the troops and munitions of war. Regardless of hidden dang 
we must maintain the life-line of ships on the high seas w. 
connect the fighting front with our national bases of supplie 
We must make the guns, the munitions, the aeroplanes. W 
must have ready food, clothing, blankets. We serve in the grea 
industrial army that serves overseas with the fighting forces. 

We must do all these things because a principle is involve 
that has to do with all we hold dear. 

We are fighting against a government that disregards the wi 
of the governed—a government that pries into intimate relatior 
of life and extends its supervision into smallest details and dom 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 265 


nates all of them. We are fighting against involuntary labor— 
against the enslavement of women and the mutilation of the 
lives and bodies of little children. We are fighting against bar- 
barous practices of warring upon civilian populations, killing the 
wounded, the agents of mercy and those who bear the white flag 
of truce. 

We are fighting for the ideal which is America—equal oppor- 
tunity for all. We are fighting for political and economic free- 
dom—national and international. 

We are fighting for the right to join together freely in trade 
unions and the freedom and the advantages represented by that 
right. 

Our country is now facing a crisis to meet which continuity 
of war production is essential. Workers, decide every industrial 
question fully mindful of those men—fellow Americans—who 
are on the battle line, facing the enemies’ guns, needing muni- 
tions of war to fight the battle for those of us back at home, 
doing work necessary but less hazardous. No strike ought to be 
inaugurated that can not be justified to the men facing momen- 
tary death. A strike during the war is not justified unless prin- 
ciples are involved equally fundamental as those for which fellow 
citizens have offered their lives—their all. 

We must give this service without reserve until the war is 
won, serving the cause of human freedom, intelligent, alert, un- 
compromising wherever and whenever the principles of human 
freedom is involved. 

We are in a great revolutionary period which we are shaping 
by molding every day relations between man and man. Workers 
of America as well as all other citizens have difficult tasks to 
perform that we might hand on to the future the ideals and 
institutions of America not only unimpaired, but strengthened 
and purified in spirit and in expression—thus performing the re- 
sponsible duty of those entrusted with the high resolve to be 
free and perpetuate freedom—American Federationist, May, 
1978. 


The war is forcing us to an attitude of discerning discrimina- 
tion—every personal habit has a cumulative effect upon national 
affairs. War savings stamps will encourage that attitude in all. 
Children can learn the meaning of war savings—that they can 


266 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


choose between loaning their quarters or dollars to the gover 
ment on interest and spending them for useless things. T. 
child who learns to save pennies until he has enough to buy 
war savings stamp, who chooses between a temporary gratifi 
tion and permanent constructive purpose is acquiring a perso 
habit that will help him throughout life. 

In addition to inculcating thrift, war savings stamps represen 
a method so essentially democratic that the whole nation ma 
participate in helping the government. War savings stamps 
based upon principles so constructive and beneficial that th 
ought to become a permanent national institution as a part Q 
the postal savings banks. : 

We hope that every union organization will institute plan 
for promoting the sale of war savings and thrift stamps amo 
their members and that every worker will teach his children : 
meaning and value of these stamps. . . 

We can forego luxuries for a time, be content with the primar 
necessaries of life, in order to save for the future our ho 
of freedom and the things of the spirit. i 

During the time when we send our young men to the trenche: 
to live a life that grills flesh and nerve, let every man, womai 
and child who is privileged to remain in free America in ‘physi 
safety, count it a freeman’s duty to eat simple food and consery 
for our army and our allies; to wear simple clothes, to avoid un 
necessary or unwise expenditures, that we may give to our fight 
ing men, the government, and have resources for the constructiy 
work of the country. 

This does not mean foolish penury or asceticism, but cor 
structive, intelligent expenditure and saving—the establishmen 
of habits of rational expenditure of money so as to accomplish 
purpose and to get the greatest returns from the expenditure. 

There are still many to whom this world cataclysm has s 
little meaning that they are still pursuing luxuries and sel 
indulgence. 

Workers of America, you have more at stake than any othr 
group. It is fitting that you take your part in economy to wi 
the war. 

Organize for constructive saving—saving for the cause | 
democracy and human equity. Make plain living, plain dres 
ing and practical patriotism the outward manifestation of yor 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 267 


patriotism and willingness to give service to the cause which has 
been the highest ideal of freemen of all ages——American Federa- 
tionist, June, 1918. 


If there had been a bona fide labor movement in Russia some- 
thing like the American Federation of Labor you would never 
have had the Bolsheviki in Russia. If it had not been for the 
American Federation of Labor during the war, you would have 
the Bolsheviki in the United States—From address at Faneuil 
Hall Meeting under auspices of the Central Labor Union, Boston, 
May 1, 1918. 


The American Federation of Labor passed a resolution since 
the war insisting upon two things; one, that when the official 
delegates from the governments shall meet to determine the 
treaty of peace, first, there should be official representation of 
the organized labor movement on these official delegations; sec- 
ond, that there shall be a world labor conference held at the 
same time and place by the labor movements of all the countries. 
We have not any enmity against the German people themselves. 
Miseducated and misled, they have got to fight or die. When 
this resolution was sent to Mr. Carl Legien, he ridiculed it and 
said: “What influence can we have with our government?” 
They have none, of course, because their government is not 
based upon even manhood suffrage. I grant you no man can 
tell me the faults of the British system of government. I think 
I know some of them. No man can tell me anything now about 
the faults of the American system of government. I grant you 
I know them. But here and in America at least there is the 
element of opportunity to work out our freedom. And if we 
do not work out our freedom in our democracies, it is our fault 
and not the democracies’. . . . When we were here about two 
or three days we saw the policemen of the city of London on 
strike. We were told that there were fourteen or fifteen thousand 
of them. Other strikes are actually in contemplation. I am not 
criticizing the strikes. I am merely calling attention to the fact 
that here you have a law making such strikes illegal. In the 
United States we have defeated every proposition to make strikes 
illegal, and yet we are getting results for our people, and we are 
Biving voluntary service... . 

Imagine the freedom which even the German workmen have. 


268 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE ~ 


They have no right of free assemblage, no right of free spee 
Do you think for a moment that if a meeting of this charact 
were held in the city of Berlin the gentleman would have bee 
permitted to say what he did? It is only because we are fightin 
for his freedom that he has the right to say indecent things. 
[General disorder and several interruptions.] If Germany could 
win, there would be no opportunity for freedom in England, in 
France, in America, in Ireland. No more than, perhaps much 
less than, now prevails in Germany... . : 

We come to bring this message to you to-day in all kindness 
and good will. We feel and know that at heart the workers of 
Britain are at least ninety-eight per cent for democracy and for 
the winning of the war. Here and there we have found a spark 
but it is not lasting. It is but a flash and it is gone and the 
heart and the conscience of British labor goes on and on, true 
to its traditions, true to the great character of British men who 
dare to think and declare and do, and bear the consequences of 
their doing. 

I am sure that British labor with the great British people 
will stand shoulder to shoulder during this fight to maintain the 
homes, the firesides, the conditions of labor, the freedom of the 
workers and the masses of the people so that when this war 
shall have come to a glorious ending the workers will take their 
places of great importance in the new life of the world, when 
new relations between the nations of the world shall be estab- 
lished. This is the work, this is the struggle, this is the task, 
that is the hope. : 

I am with you one hundred per cent in the prosecution of 
this crusade, in every effort you make, in every sacrifice. The 
glorious triumph will come to us and to ours. The children of 
the generations yet unborn upon whom the problems and the 
hope of the world will then rest, will bless or curse us as we have 
performed or failed to perform our part in the great struggle 
for human liberty. [Note: The resolution favorable to Mr, 
Gompers’ position and endorsing the position of the American 
labor movement was unanimously adopted.|—From address be- 
fore the London Trades Council, September 22, 1918. 


We peace loving peoples of the world were drawn into this 
maelstrom of wholesale murder and destruction. We could do 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 269 


naught but fight or be a people known for cowards and poltroons. 
Our cause is the greatest cause which the people of any nation 
in any time in the history of the world have been called upon 
to espouse. All that is implied by your early civilization in Italy, 
all those great struggles and human sacrifices for right from the 
Crusades to the American Revolution, the French Revolution 
and the Italian Revolt, from Magna Charta to the Declaration 
of Independence and the Civil War to maintain the Union and 
abolish human slavery, is involved in this great struggle. And 
at this crucial moment, what better could express the sentiment 
which should prevail than to couple the names of your great and 
beloved Mazzini, Garibaldi and Bautiste with the names of 
Washington, Jefferson, Franklin and Wilson?—From address at 
luncheon tendered the American Labor Mission by Ambassador 
Thomas Nelson Page, at Rome, Italy, October 9, 1918. 


I salute you all and greet you as men who are in the vanguard 
of the fighting forces of the world to save your country and 
France and England and America. . . . It is a hard task living 
and fighting as you men do here, but it is not only for you; the 
Sacrifices and the hardships are yours, but all that you do and 
all that you suffer is for the welfare of humanity, for your 
country, for your fathers and mothers, sisters, or sweethearts, 
or wives, for your children and your children’s children who will 
come after you. It is a worthy cause, and you should be proud 
and willing, as I know you are, to do your part to pay the big 
price, for nothing will be worth while, even life itself, if we do 
not win. And we will win. It is writ in the great volume of 
human justice that we are going to win this war. We are going 
to triumph. Militarism shall be crushed. Autocracy will be 
crushed, and the liberty-loving people of the world will be as- 
sured that priceless privilege of living their own lives in peace 
and happiness, pursuing the arts of peaceful industry—From 
address to soldiers and laborers at the Front, Mont Grappa, 
Italy, October 11, 1918. 


_ We made provision and helped contribute to maintain the 
Standards of life of the families of our fighting boys, that while 
they were over in France fighting they might have the satisfaction 
of knowing that it was not by charity that the home and family 
were being maintained, but as a matter of right, and that after 


270 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the war was over they could enter into those homes just as or 
better than they had left them. This knowledge has given our 
fighting boys in France encouragement. It was one of the great-— 
est pieces of legislative work ever conceived and enacted when, 
out of the Committee on Labor, of which I had the honor of 
being chairman,—one of the committees of the Council of Na-— 
tional Defense—we secured the enactment of the Soldiers’ and 
Sailors’ compensation law and the abolition of the system of pen- 
sions, which in our own lives has been made the battledore and 
shuttlecock of politics, with candidates for Congress elected or 
defeated on that issue. Soldiers’ compensation has been taken © 
out of the political realm and made automatic—From address — 
on Steamship “Rotterdam,” April 8, 1919. 


THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 


The maintenance of justice and peace between nations is now 
emerging from the same chaotic conditions which formerly char- — 
acterized the relations between individuals. There are evidences 
which intimate that intelligence will emerge out of this chaos— 
international solidarity of labor, international law, treaties of 
peace and commerce, arbitration treaties, The Hague Tribunal. : 
With these accumulating institutions to bind the nations to- 
gether, there is developing a code of international morality and 
a habit of mind necessary to enforce standards of international ~ 
morality upon all. i 

These things are the rudiments from which will emerge a 
world government, a world federation competent to do justice” 
between nations and able to maintain the peace of the world. 
That is the ideal we must seek to realize, which we must estab- 
lish in the day of peace that we may dispel the war clouds ere 
the storm of conflict is upon us. War can be abolished only by 
eternal vigilance in protecting peace and in promoting the ina 
that make for peace. Peace and the things associated with peace | 
must be made of such value that men will not dare risk them to” 
chances and the havoc of war.—From Labor Day address at 
Plattsburgh, N. Y., September 7, 1914. f 


% 


Above and beyond the desire of America’s workers to secure. 
a settlement that will safeguard their own and the nation’s ma- 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 271 


terial interests is their desire to see a settlement that will render 
war less probable and peace more permanent in the future; for 
the interests of the men and women of labor are identified with 
those of peace. War has never meant for them opportunity for 
gain or exploitation. It has always meant to them sacrifice and 
suffering in the actual fighting of the war and the bearing of 
heavy burdens after the war. Certainly working people have 
bought with their flesh and blood the right to a voice in deter- 
mining the issues of peace and war; and in the general organiza- 
tion that will follow the present war, the workers will insist upon 
having voice and influence. Labor is committed to the principle 
that peace is the basis of all civilization. .. . 

The bitter experience of this war will prove to all nations that 
the system of small group alliances, armed to the teeth and 
eternally growling at each other, is a poor way to run the busi- 
ness of the world. It seems practically certain that instinct, as 
well as reason, will react against this system of armed peace 
toward some larger federation of the nations. Since such a 
Court or League as contemplated appears to be the inevitable 
goal toward which the whole evolution of law and government 
is tending, laboring men of this and every other nation will feel 
it their duty and privilege to lift their voice in counsel at every 
step of the plans and propaganda, in order to make more certain 
the triumph of democratic principles and methods, in whatever 
may be the final form of such an international institution—From 
address at convention of the League to Enforce Peace, Washing- 
ton, D. C., May 26, 1916. 


In order that the wage-workers of America may be ready to 
participate in the field of international affairs it is necessary for 
us to consider various tentative suggestions and to determine 
upon a definite program promoting labor’s interest. 

The various proposals for the organization of international 
relations disclose that the field and its problems are analogous 
to those of relations between individuals—a domain that is now 
systematically regulated by the governments of the various 
states. Some of the same principles will apply to the larger ~ 
domain between nations. 

We submit that there ought to be a voluntary union of nations, 
a league for peace, to adjust disputes and difficulties and to take 


272 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


the initiative in constructive efforts to direct and facilitate worl 
progress in accord with highest concepts. 

Among the suggestions usually made for maintaining peace 
arbitration. Arbitration has been so generally discussed that i 
is not necessary at this time for us to consider its purposes an 
function. However, it has been generally conceded that arbitra- 
tion has an exceedingly important field of service within definit 
limitations. F 

Arbitration can be effective only in the adjustment of dif- 
ferences and thus is limited to justiciable matters. We sugg 
therefore that it is not suited to adjust difficulties that are most 
likely to threaten peace between countries and it can not dea 
constructively with elements and conditions in their making, 
which when further developed would inevitably result in frictio: 
misunderstanding or the use of force. 

There is nothing novel or untried in the first proposition. Ar 
bitration treaties exist between practically all civilized countries 
Between some, as United States and Canada, permanent cou 
have been established to adjudicate differences. To apply th 
principle to world relations would necessitate a permanent agency 
to which would be submitted all justiciable differences arising be- 
tween signatory nations and not susceptible of other adjustment. 

Would not a permanent world judicial tribunal composed of 
jurists and those familiar with international law, with jurisdic- 
tion over judicial questions concerning members of the league, be 
a fitting agency to perform this work? ; 

Fundamentally, would not the creation of this commission for 
hearing, considering and recommending as to the infinite variety 
of interests arising between nations, make for the organization 
of the field and forces of diplomacy? By democratizing the 
commission and appointing to it those representatives of the 
rank and file of nations and their varied interests, the light of 
publicity would be turned upon secret diplomacy and its agents 
would be rendered more responsive to the will of the people. g' 

Old style diplomacy here failed. The traditional diplomat 
regarded his service as an art detached from the crude struggle 
for an existence and was unmindful or ignorant of the human 
interests involved in machinations of diplomacy. Diplomacy 
must be made more open, more honest, more effective if our 
civilization is not to be brought into question and jeopardy. ; 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 273 


We suggest consideration of means to make the purpose of 
the League for Peace effective. Would not those nations that 
band themselves together in a league for peace need to agree 
upon means for securing compliance with regulations and for the 
use of force against a signatory nation which might go to war 
or engage in hostilities against another member of the league 
without having submitted its grievances in the proper way pro- 
vided by the agreement? Joint use of both economic and mili- 
tary forces of signatory nations could be directed against the 
offending nation. 

In order to render international law more tangible and better 
adapted to the problems with which it must deal would it not be 
well to provide for conferences of nations to meet at definite 
times to formulate and codify international law? 

In international judicial and justiciable matters there are a 

large number of problems susceptible to mediation and admin- 
istrative action. For these we suggest a second agency adapted 
to deal with matters of an entirely different nature such as 
economic issues and the affairs concerned in the daily life and 
work of the citizens of the nations. Such a commission should 
be composed of men in close touch with industrial and commer- 
cial forces in action, not those who from a viewpoint remote 
from the political and industrial struggle look down upon the 
activity of the people and the creative forces hewing out the 
destiny of nations. The real interests, needs and ideals of the 
people would be best represented by selecting for this commis- 
sion journalists, publicists, scientists, professional men, men of 
affairs, wage-earners—those in close touch with the heart of the 
nations through their work, whether as organizers of the proc- 
esses of production and commerce or as the human agents neces- 
sary for the utilization of material resources. 
_ The suggestions which we submit are to be considered as a 
general foundation for organization for peace between nations 
and would help to avert unnecessary wars. We do not declare 
that it would abolish war—but by mediating the causes of war, 
war becomes less probable. 

We submit for consideration whether each separate nation 
Ought not to maintain its separate agencies for compulsion with 
the assurance to each of sovereignty and necessary authority to 
‘determine matters of a distinctively national character? Collec- 


—t 
aye 


274 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


tive action by a league of nations ought not to dictate the limita- 
tion or the regulation of military and naval equipment, but it 
can properly prevent the use of such force for national aggran- 
dizement and for exploitation of the small countries. We deplore 
militarism but the fight against militarism must ultimately be 
made by the citizens of the different nations. Establishing” 
methods and agencies which render display of military and naval ~ 
power no longer effective is the practical and direct way to 
abolish rivalry between nations in standing armies and naval — 
equipment. 

The way to prevent war is to organize for peace.—American 
Federationist, December, 1916. 


In addition to these basic principles there should be incor- 
porated in the treaty, which shall constitute the guide of nations 
in the new period and conditions into which we enter at the 
close of the war, the following declarations fundamental to the 
best interests of all nations and of vital importance to wage 
earners: 

That in law and in practice the principle shall be recognized 
that the labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of 
commerce. ; 

Involuntary servitude shall not exist except as a punishment _ 
for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. \ 

The right of free association, free assemblage, free speech, andy 
free press shall not be abridged. 

That the seamen of the merchant marine shall be cence 
the right of leaving their vessels when the same are in safe 
harbor. 

No article or commodity shall be shipped or delivered in in- 
ternational commerce in the production of which children under 
the age of 16 years have been employed or permitted to work. 

It shall be declared that the basic workday in industry and 
commerce shall not exceed eight hours per day. 

Trial by jury should be established. 

And that is signed by the members of the American Federatiail 
of Labor delegation—From testimony at hearing before Com 
mittee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, January 
3 and 4, 1919. f 


i 
Ls 
Our proposal continues as follows: | 
+ 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 275 


Of course the treaty, with the covenant of the League of Na- 
tions, is not a perfect instrument. Who expects it? Many 
peoples of different histories, different traditions, and sometimes 
conflicting interests, have met together and drafted an agreement 
by which war shall be made more difficult amd perhaps impos- 
sible. Shall we turn back? Shall we help to reject this cove- 
nant and leave the world in the position where all these people, 
with their national prejudices, their national hopes and aspira- 
tions, may try to be a law unto themselves and can only be 
checked by the arbitrament of war? I think not. As one dele- 
gate at least to this convention, I am not going to play into 
the hands of politicians and support those who would leave the 
world open to be inflamed by the horrors of war at any time 
when any nation feels itself strong enough. 

Only a few days ago, for the first time in the history of the 
world, men left the soil of America and within sixteen hours 
landed in Europe. What can be done with aeroplanes from 
America to Europe can be done from Europe to America. We 
are closer to Europe now than at any time in the history of the 
world. We cannot now declare, in this age and time, that we 
‘shall be isolated and have no alliances with any other peoples. 
We are so close to them, they are so near to us, that it is essen- 
tial for us to see to it that the best possible relations are estab- 
lished between the peoples and the governments of our country 
and all other countries, and to bring about the time by agree- 
ment when we shall live in peace.... 

Never in the history of the world have the nations been con- 

fronted with so serious and important a problem as is presented 
to the men and women of all lands to-day. Here is a serious 
attempt to prevent international war. Mere is an attempt to 
help the workers, the masses of the people in the most backward 
countries. Here is a measure which cannot by any stretch of the 
imagination affect the rights and interests of the workers of the 
United States, which can in no way curb, prevent or hinder 
us, every day of every month of every year, from pressing for- 
ward the claims of labor for a higher and better life, for more 
freedom, for more justice, as harbingers of the better day of 
which poets have sung and philosophers dreamed, and for which 
the workers have sacrificed and achieved. That is the oppor- 


Ranity presented to the people of our country to-day, and 


, 
4 
Ei 
3 


iz 


276 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


whether we shall be successful or not depends largely upon the 
vote of this convention, voicing the sentiments and views of the 
people whom you represent. Ask the workers, the men w 
work in the mines, the factories and the workshops anywhere, 
whether they want to have peace and good will or whether they 
would throw open further opportunities for a repetition of the 
world war. Ask them whether they would help in improving 
the conditions of the workers of other countries when they are 
assured that their own interests in our own country cannot be 
impaired, nor their ability checked to fight on and on for that 
brighter and better day—F rom address in support of the League 
of Nations, at annual convention of the American Federation of 
Labor, Atlantic City, N. J., June 20, 1919. 


The world has emerged from the greatest war in a with 
two main ideas dominating human thought. 
The Peace Conference in Paris, therefore, had for its main ob- 
jects: . 
1. To prevent future wars, and 
2. To improve the world as a place for human habitation 
through the extension and improvement of democratic self-gov- 
ernment. 
Former peace treaties have concerned themselves solely with 
indemnities and boundary lines. Peoples, money and territories” 
have been handed from vanquished to victor about in proportion 
to the severity of the defeat suffered by the losing nation or 
nations. 
The document brought into being in Paris was built upon new 
principles. The victorious nations did not set out to see how 
much territory they could take to themselves from the defeated 
nations. 
A fact of paramount importance in gauging the integrity of the 
Peace Conference was the fact that millions of people were lib- 
erated and set up under independent governments of their own 
choosing. 7 
The Paris conference sought, as no other peace conference ever 
has sought, to reach into the mind of the people and write 
into definite terms the deepest and best thought to be found 
there. 
So it was that the interest of the world’s toilers came to be con- 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 277 


dered. This was truly an epoch-making step. The covenant 
' the League of Nations is the written verdict and agreement of 
1e civilized world that until justice is done to those who work, 
istice has been done only in part. 

Not even the most ardent advocate of the League of Nations 
yenant or of the labor section of the Treaty of Peace will con- 
nd that perfection is to be found in it. The Paris conference 
id not produce a perfect document and did not give a perfect ex- 
ression to the high ideals that animate the civilized world to- 
Ly. 

The conference did produce a document that measurably ex- 
resses the best and most constructive thought of the world and 
lat opens the way absolutely to a complete expression of the 
ighest ideals which mankind may have and it is for that reason 
lat the complete effort of every forward-looking person should 
> dedicated to securing ratification of the treaty. 

The Treaty of Peace establishes no barrier to progress any- 
here. 

It opens the way to progress everywhere. 

It seeks to clear the way of some of the most hopeless barriers 
lat have held nations enchained in the past and tends to make 
dsolete the institution of war which has been throughout the his- 
ry of mankind the most destructive agency it has known... . 
In the League of Nations is the only safety we know of for the 
iture and the only spiritual recompense we have found for the 
iguish of the past—From pamphlet issued by the American 
ederation of Labor, July 5, 1919, to organized labor throughout 
e country, in support of the Treaty of Peace and the League of 
ations. 


PEACE AND RECONSTRUCTION 


The only result that could in any degree compensate for the 
resent destruction of life would be the coeval destruction of 
ilitarism, autocracy, the fetish of the balance of power and 
1e fallacy that political domination must follow industrial rela- 
ons and control. If the Waterloo that shall close this war shall 
the death field for these ghosts that have come down to us 
om stages of the earlier development of peoples, then some 


| 


278 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


progress shall have been attained even though the method h 
cruel, stupid and blundering. 

Twentieth century nations must adopt as a principle of 
ernment that peace is a basis of all civilization. Peace is not 
by-product of other conditions, but it is a condition that can bh 
secured by agents and institutions designed to maintain i 
Peace is the fundamental necessity for all government and prog 
ress—industrial, intellectual, social and humanitarian. Withot 
peace all these are as nothing. One of the main purposes of go 
ernments then must be the maintenance of international peact 
—From Labor Day Address at Platisburgh, N. Y., Septe 
7, 1914. 


The prosperity and welfare of American labor are largely 4 
pendent upon the prosperity and welfare of the American ne 
tion. Granted great prosperity to the nation, with a wide mz 
gin of profit to the employers, and granted the proper organiza 
tion of labor for collective bargaining, there is always the chance 
at least, to reach justice and equity; but if the United State 
suffers a serious business reaction, the American employer 
have a less margin on which to deal with the problem of wag 
and collective bargaining will face an increasingly difficult pro 
lem. 

All of which means that American labor has far-reaching in 
terests at stake in doing its share to help bring about such 
settlement of the present war as will prevent any abnormal re 
action upon the prosperity of the United States, and will g 
the industrial and business interests of the whole world an of 
portunity to compete along more nearly normal lines.—Fro7 
address at convention of the League to Enforce Peace, Woe 
ton, D. C., May 26, 1916. 


Another occasion for our offending in the eyes of these sal 
assumed directors of labor is the failure of the leaders of th 
American labor movement at the St. Paul Convention to adog 
the reconstruction program outlined by the British Labor Party 
It would have been more than stupid for the American labe 
movement to try to impose on this country a program worke 
out for other institutions and national characteristics. The 5 
Paul Convention recognized the importance of reconstructio; 
problems and directed the Executive Council to appoint a con 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 279 


nittee to study and report upon those problems. What more 
ould the convention do? ‘There would have been no value in 
urning the convention into a debating society to consider those 
roblems first of all in public. Greater and more satisfactory 
ogress can be made by timely and thoughtful consideration of 
he problems, careful deliberations on the part of a commission 
ind final consideration and debate before the convention. That 
s the policy American labor has adopted. It has not ignored 
econstruction problems; it is false to say that it is untouched 
yy the higher democratic idealism that is stirring the world to- 
lay. It realizes deeply that the work we are doing to-day will 
ye the basis of organization of to-morrow. No reconstruction 
rogram can wholly separate itself from the life of today and the 
uture, but it must be built upon the institutions of the present 
nd in accord with practical principles that have enabled us to 
nake progress from the past.—American Federationist, August, 
918. 


We give thanks this year in a world fraternity of Liberty. 
Ve gaze upon the dawn of the world’s most glorious age. We 
ee before us opportunities such as mankind has never faced. 
fiingled with our profound gratitude for the opportunities now 
fore us is a deep and strong resolve to measure up to those 
pportunities with all the brain and strength that is in us. 

It has cost dearly to set the world free from autocracy. But 
espite the cost, we are grateful for having had the opportunity 
9 make the good fight, and grateful for the strength and pur- 
ose that brought victory to our cause. 

There are those who seem uncertain as to what they will do 
fith the liberty that is now theirs. We shall give to them, as 
je are permitted, our counsel and our material help. Our nation 
; strong and victorious, but it will consent to use its great 
trength only for the furtherance of justice. No nation ever 
ad cause to be more sublimely and supremely thankful. Every 
our of these momentous days is precious with a great freight 
f opportunities and we are most deeply appreciative of that 
ct and thankful for it. We couple our high resolve for the 
ature of humanity with our gratitude for what has been accom- 
lished.—Statement to the press at Laredo, Texas, November, 
918. 


280 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


I would not want any of you, ladies and gentlemen, to ima 
that I have in my mind the possibility that leadership can 
dispensed with, that leadership carries with it no responsibility. 
as well as dignity and respect. On the contrary, I believe now 
more than ever that the men placed in responsible positions and 
true to the trust reposed in them, deserve the respect and grati 
tude of a loyal democratic people, and I want to call to the at- 
tention of my fellow countrymen the fact, that unless the prin- 
ciples of democracy are practiced in our every day lives we 
shall, assuredly as the sun rises and sets, lose the power of de 
mocracy because we have not used that function in our lives.— 
From address at national reception to Mr. Gompers in Chicago, 
November 8, 1918, under the auspices of The American Aan 
for Labor and Democracy. : 

It is a wonderful time in which to live, to have lived and d 
something to achieve that splendid position of our nation and 
of our people of all classes and walks of life. To me it has been 
but a larger opportunity for the work of my whole life, for there 
is nothing that we shall have achieved, nothing that we as a 
tion will achieve but what was within the limit and the range of 
the aspirations of the toiling masses as expressed by our labor 
movement.—From address before Chamber of Commerce, San 
Antonio, Texas, November 20, 1918. ; 

Just before the war, or just after the war was thrust upon us, 
in conference with my associates of the Committee on Labor of 
the Council of National Defense, composed of workmen, em- 
ployers, business men, we formulated a declaration regardi 
standards during the war. One of the gentlemen of the com- 
mittee applied an American phrase to the declaration which 
though not made a part of it, was quite apropos. It was this: 
“This is not the time to rock the boat.” 

That was at the beginning of the war, and to meet the prob- 
lems of peace I am going to apply that same phrase to the pres- 
ent situation now that the war has practically come to an end. 
It is not good now to try to rock the industrial boat. 

This one fact must be distinctly understood, that the working 
people of our country who with you and your ‘brothers and sons 
have made in many instances the supreme sacrifice for victory, 


i 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 281 


and the men who have given their services in industry and in 
commerce, are not going easily to take to the proposition to force 
them back and down in the industrial scale. As has been said, 
there must be recognition of the condition and situation; each 
must recognize the principle that as we were united during this 
tremendous struggle, the most momentous in the history of the 
world and the most far-reaching in its consequences, so now that 
peace has come, the problem of working out industrial situations 
now and for the future must be faced with a spirit of codperation 
and codrdination. We shall never go back to the old conditions. 
We have been fighting for a principle of justice... . 

It is a great privilege to live in this age. It is a great privi- 
lege to have helped, even in the slightest, to the great triumph 
of our arms, of our manhood and womanhood and of the spirit 
of the people of the republic of the United States. Having been 
over there, having seen the devastation wrought by the German 
military machine, and having seen the battle raging during the 
period that I was privileged to be there; having seen our valiant 
men, the great generals and the rank and file uniting their spirit, 
giving and receiving, encouraging; having been upon the battle- 
field in the front trenches and upon the front ramparts, and 
within easy firing distance of shot and shell—I say to you, men 
and women of America, the glory of it, despite the sacrifices of 
it, will so rejuvenate and regenerate the people of this Republic 
and make this country of ours so great and glorious that the 
pages of history of our time will be resplendent in the eyes, in 
the memories and in the yearnings and gratitude of the genera- 
tions yet unborn—From address at Labor Reconstruction Con- 
ference under auspices of the Academy of Political Science, New 
York City, December 6-7, 1918. 


Some of us have been given great credit, some entirely undue 
credit for what was done to unite the country in spirit and in 
action to win the war. That task, large as it was, falls into in- 
Significance as compared to the necessity for unity to meet the 
problems of peace. . . . It is true that certain advantages have 
come to the worker by reason of the immediate needs and condi- 
tions which have developed during the war. It is not good to 
give men the opportunity for freedom and then try to take it 
away from them. It is said that if you want to produce the best 


282 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


possible children it is best to begin with the grandparents. I 
you want the people to remain in ignorance and be docile, it ig 
not safe to give them any particle of freedom at all. You 
not give freedom to-day, or the opportunity for freedom ane 
expect that the people are going to surrender it without protest 
—From address at meeting of the Council of Foreign Relations, 
New York City, December 10, 1918. . 


Indeed, the problem of how to meet the peace conditions is 
greater than the problem which confronted us in meeting the 
conditions of war. In war, when the red blood of man is easily 
warmed, he is interested, and he is not difficult to attract. Wi 
have had more volunteer service in this war than it was dreamed 
possible at any time, or by any man, and coming from mel 
and women in all walks of life. The patriotism of our peopl 
was not confined to any class, group, or caste. While I do kno} 
that in some instances, and in too many instances, some of thi 
activities were put forth for private profiteering, as a rule I have 
not any hesitancy in saying that the voluntary patriotic and 
practical service given by the men and women of the Unitec 
States was such as I never dreamed or hoped to live to see. It 
was a revelation to find men in the humblest walks of life gladly 
giving and doing anything, the men and women of labor giving 
every ounce of energy that was in them, and bearing under i 
all with a feeling of willingness to sacrifice anything, men giv- 
ing up their boys in a manner which was almost unbelievable 
. . . The problems of war are sensational; that problem is one 
of activity and one which arouses the people to action at once. 
The problem of peace, with its poverty and its misery and pos 
sible degradation, only touches the conscience and the judgment 
and the action of the thinking men and women, of the men who 
want to do and who are not aroused purely by sensations, but by 
the consciousness of doing the right thing, the moral duty of 
prevention of disease, of fire, of war, of hunger.—From testimony 
at hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, 
United States Senate, January 3 and 4, 1919. | 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 283 


have been, I know, some employers and business men whose 
first, last and only thought was profits, profits, profits. I do 
know, too, that the great majority of the men and women of 
affairs of our country have given loyal, unselfish and patriotic 
service in and during this war. My only regret is that some of 
them are breaking away, acting upon the idea that now that the 
war is over their duty is done. You can arouse people’s interest 
when something sensational is going on. The difficulty is to 
keep their interest in matters that are not sensational, when prob- 
lems are to be met to which only the few will give their attention 
and try to solve, or concern themselves with new situations, new 
ideas, new life. My friends, it is well that we should come in 
council with each other and look all the problems squarely in the 
face. Don’t flinch, don’t run away from the job. It must be 
done. Either you will deal with rational men of a constructive 
turn of mind and character, who aim to live the lives of free 
men and free women and to work out a better life here and now, 
or you will have another and a different element with which to 
cope, or they with you, and no one can tell what the results will 
be. I am not an alarmist. Speaking frankly and freely, if I 
believed for one moment that the work of the American labor 
movement was ineffective, that it was within the power of em- 
ployers either as individuals or associations to destroy that move- 
ment, to make it impossible for us to bring more of happiness and 
well-being and hope into the lives of the men and women who 
work for wages, I would join with any movement that promised 
something of betterment for the toiling masses of our country.— 
From address on board SS. “Carmania,” January 10, 1919. 


Upon you, men, much will devolve in the near future. You 
have the constructive work of safeguarding American manhood 
and womanhood and childhood, of working out our problems to 
Meet situations such as we find in some countries which we have 
just left. Radicalism, so-called—perhaps insanity would be a 
better description of what I now refer to—is rampant, and it has 
its propagandists, its organization, just as active now as was the 
pacifist and German militarist propaganda of a few short months 
ago. Only a few days ago, right on this ship, there was delivered 
an address, subtle, able, the purport of which was the indirect 
Propagation of this pernicious thought of Bolshevism. Men of 


284 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


America, soldiers of America, upon you will devolve the great. 
responsibility of the future. You are young men. Men of my 
time and my years will pass away, and perhaps pass away soon, 
and it will be for you to develop the spirit of the new America, 
to hold yourselves well in hand in the conduct of your industrial 
or commercial pursuits, to see to it that there is a middle ground 
of safety, to use your great influence as men who have been in 
the fighting ranks, that America, fair America, shall have her 
chance for development and growth, that right shall prevail, that 
justice shall obtain, that the children of to-day who grow up into” 
manhood and womanhood of the future may carry on this great 
scheme of freedom and justice, under the flag, and to see to it 
that the poisonous fangs of Bolshevism and rowdyism shall be 
stamped out of our country.... 

There are two kinds of enemies to human progress now rampant 
in the United States as well as in other countries. One is known 
as Bolshevism and the other as standpatism. They are the twin” 
dangers which menace the civilization of our time. I want youl 
my fellow-passengers, to understand me quite clearly for I have . 


nothing to hide. I am not against Bolshevism simply because of 
its name; I am not against Bolshevism simply because it declares © 
a tyranny of the proletariat. I am against Bolshevism because 
it means the subversion of our civilization for a century or more” 
if it shall triumph. I am equally opposed, with all the emphasis 
of my being, to the standpatter who weighs human labor upon the 
same scale that he does a ton of coal or a side of pork... . 

Among the great painters was one who depicted a laborer com- 
monly known and made famous as the “Man with the Hoe,” the” 
man with bent back and receding forehead, with all the wrongs 
of the ages written upon his countenance and all his resentment 
expressed in his features. If this war has meant anything it has” 
given us a new concept; these thoughts must be set aside and a 
new standard erected. The worker is a man or woman. The 
worker is no longer leaning forward with bent back nor is his” 
forehead receding. There is no resentment in his features or in 
his heart, but he demands from modern society the new concept 
that he be regarded not only as a producer, not only as a worker, 
but as a fellow-man and fellow-citizen insistent upon every right 
of his citizenship and manhood.—From address on Steamship 
“Rotterdam,” April 8, 1919. 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 285 


We have fought and won a great war for a noble cause. 
Americans cannot be less devoted to that cause than they were 
six months ago and a year ago. There must be in every Ameri- 
can heart the same fervor for the cause of America that there 
was when the cause was in danger. The cause is safe to-day. 
The might of our nation in arms made it safe. This fact has 
a great meaning to every American, whatever his work or 
place may be. I believe the great mass of working men and 
women will especially feel the truth of this. 

There remains to us the task of paying some of the costs of 
our magnificent effort. We ought to rejoice deeply that the 
cost is so low and that it may be paid in money instead of lives. 

I appeal to my fellow Americans, and especially to my fellow 
American workers, to help pay this remaining cost—to help 
gladly and freely. It is a solemn but happy duty that is laid 
upon each of us to buy the bonds of this last great loan, this 
loan of victory for freedom and democracy. Let us buy as we 
would buy if we were standing in Belleau Wood. Let us buy 
as we would buy if we were beholding with our eyes the great 
sacrifice for liberty that our own home folk made there——From 
press statement, April 28, 1919. 


When we emerged from the war there were men who, 
perhaps unthinkingly, set up cries in our country for the reduc- 
tion of wages. They saw only one thing—reduction of produc- 
tion costs. They did not see the whole world problem as an 
entity. They saw their corner of it—and they spoke quickly. 

Whatever may have been their intent, their action, if it were 
permitted to become action, would furnish the richest food Bol- 
shevism could ask for in America. The world was not saved 

for misery, but for light and life. Reduction of wages has never 
led a people toward light and life. Always it has led toward 
panic and hunger and ill-considered action. 

_ We have come forward toward light and life through such 
Measures as the Clayton Law which declares that the labor of 
a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce; and 
the seamen’s law which makes the seaman free from the bond- 
age of earlier days. We have succeeded in establishing a con- 
cept in law and in administration that the welfare of the workers 
is a matter of paramount interest. In this direction we must go, 


286 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


for this direction is forward and any other must be backward. 
American labor does not necessarily ask for more law. Our 
movement has never sought a wealth of law, it has asked only 
such law as is needed to clear the path to progress. The great 
task has been to secure the removal of law that blocked that 
paths. 

There is a tendency in the world to-day to say that everything 
of a forward-looking nature with which one disagrees is Bol- 
shevism. It has become almost a habit to use that term loosely. 
But there is a just ambition for a higher standard of life and 
living that is not Bolshevism and that will not be denied, except 
at the imminent peril of those who deny, if they prove themselves 
strong enough to deny with compelling force. The safety of the 
world to-day—and I say this as one who loves with deep pas- 
sion the institutions of our own nation and of all democratic 
peoples—lies in an orderly advancement toward better lives for 
working people everywhere. .. —From “The Battle Line of 
Labor,’ McClure’s Magazine, May, 1919. 


Soldiers and sailors, those who entered the service in the na- 
tion’s defense, are entitled to the generous reward of a grateful 
Republic. 

The necessities of war called upon millions of workmen to 
leave their positions in industry and commerce to defend, upon — 
the battle fields, the nation’s safety and its free institutions. 
These defenders are now returning. It is advisable that they 
should be discharged from military service at the earliest possi- _ 
ble moment; that as civilians they may return to their respec- 
tive homes and families and take up their peace-time pursuits. 
The nation stands morally obligated to assist them in securing — 
employment. 

Industry has undergone great changes due to the dislocation — 
caused by war production and transportation. Further read- 
justments in industry and commerce must follow the rehabilita- " 
tion of business under peaceful conditions. Many positions 
which our citizen soldiers and sailors filled previous to enlistment 
do not exist to-day. 

It would be manifestly unjust for the government after having 
removed the worker from his position in industry and placed him 
in military service to discharge him from the army or navy 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 287 


without having made adequate provision to assist him in pro- 
curing employment and providing sustenance until employment 
has been secured. The returned citizen soldier or sailor should 
not be forced by the bitter urgent necessity of securing food 
and clothing to place himself at a disadvantage when seeking 
employment. 

Upon their discharge, transportation and meals should be sup- 
plied, to their places of residence. The monthly salary previ- 
ously paid should be continued for a period not to exceed twelve 
months if employment is not secured within that period. 

The federal and state employment bureaus should be directed 
to codperate with trade union agencies in securing employment 
for discharged soldiers and sailors. In assisting the discharged 
soldier and sailor to secure employment, government agencies 
should not expect them to accept employment for less than the 
prevailing rate of wages being paid in the industry. Neither 
should any government agency request or require such discharged 
men to accept employment where a trade dispute exists or is 
threatened. Nor should the refusal on the part of any of these 
discharged soldiers or sailors to accept employment where trade 
disputes exist or are threatened or when less than the prevail- 
ing rate is offered, deprive them of a continuance of their month- 
ly pay. 

Legislation also should be enacted which will give the nation’s 
defenders the opportunity for easy and ready access to the land. 
Favorable inducements should be provided for them to enter 
agriculture and husbandry. The government should assume the 
responsibility for the allotment of such lands, and supply the 
necessary capital for its development and cultivation, with such 
safeguards as will protect both the government and the dis- 
charged soldier and sailor—From Report to A. F. of L. Conven- 
tion, Atlantic City, N. J., June, 1919. 


The Treaty of Peace formulated in Paris acknowledges the 
complete justice of the five points set forth by the Buffalo Con- 
vention and reaffirmed at St. Paul, which are based upon decla- 
rations of the President of the United States, and contains two 
of the four propositions added at St. Paul. Thus is justified 
the high confidence felt by the American labor movement and 
expressed in these declarations that the result of the world war 


288 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


would be to place the conduct and morals of the governments 
of the world upon a higher plane and the establishment and 
maintenance of international relations which shall safeguard the 
peoples of the world in the enjoyment of a permanent peace. 

The Treaty of Peace as drafted by the allied and associate 


Prussian idea, defeated on the field of battle, is now forever made 
impossible of revival by the Treaty of Peace submitted to the 
German envoys. 

The five guiding principles laid down at the Buffalo Conven 
tion of the American Federation of Labor as basic principles of - 
a lasting peace are firmly imbedded in the draft and we feel that 
with a peace so built the world has in truth been made safe for 
democracy. Under the guiding principles now laid down as the 
standard of conduct for all nations the peoples of the world” 
may go forward in security and freedom to work out their ow 
concepts of democracy and their own ideals of freedom. : 

The Covenant of the League of Nations, written into the 
Treaty of Peace, must meet with the unqualified approval ane 
support of the American working people. It is not a perfect 
document and perfection is not claimed for it. It does, how- 
ever, mark the nearest approach to perfection that ever yet has 
been reached in the international affairs of mankind. It provides 
the best machinery yet devised for the prevention of war. I 
places human relations upon a new basis and endeavors to en- 
throne right and justice instead of strength and might as th 
arbiters of international destinies. 

It is, we feel, well to recall the adoption of the Constitution 
by our own federal government in the early days of its life. Per= 
haps no document in the history of the world was more attacked, 
criticized and opposed than was the Constitution of the United 
States when it was first formulated and adopted by the Congress. 
On several occasions that Constitution has been amended, yet no 
one would presume to say, because of these amendments, that 
the Constitution was not good when it was adopted, or is not 
good to-day. 7 

Opportunity is afforded for amendments to the covenant of the 
League of Nations in order that the human family may from 


} 
; 


Y 
4 


oad 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 289 


time to time make such improvements as may be needed and 
may so readjust its guiding rules of conduct as to make for the 
highest good of all the world. We declare our endorsement of 
the triumph of freedom and justice and democracy as exempli- 
fied in the covenant of the League of Nations. 

The introduction of the nine specific labor clauses in the Peace 
Treaty declares that “the well-being, physical and moral, of the 
industrial wage earners is of supreme international importance.” 

No such declaration has ever been written into international 
law through any previous treaty of peace and it is due to the 
efforts of the American labor movement more than to any other 
single factor that it appears in this emphatic form in the present 
treaty. 

The labor section of the treaty as it appears in its final form is, 
of course, a compromise. It must, however, be a source of deep- 
est satisfaction to the American working people to know that the 
American position and American declarations as presented for 
insertion in the treaty ranked above all others in point of prog- 
ress measured and in point of actual and practical application in 
the lives of working people. Whatever of compromise appears, 
was made because of the claim that other nations of the world 
could not pledge themselves to an immediate and definite ac- 
ceptance of the standards maintained by the American labor 
movement as the established practices of our day.—From Re- 
port to A. F. of L. Convention, Atlantic City, N. J., June, 1919. 


The launching of this ship, bearing the name of labor’s most 
highly developed organization, the American Federation of Labor, 
—its abbreviation “A fe/,”"—with all the magnificence and panoply 
attending the occasion,—can you imagine what it means to me? 
To me, who in the early days of our movement have had not 
‘only a deaf ear turned by the workers themselves, but the con- 
demnation and abuse of all those who ground men to the earth, 
who worked against and looked upon our organizations of labor 
as if they were the combination of all the devils incarnate? Can 
you imagine what it meant to me to-day to find, under the aus- 
pices of the Government of the United States, and in the plant 
of a great industrial corporation, the codperation of all these ele- 
Ments with the men and the women who not only built that ship 


but all its sister ships, who not only built them but gave them 


. 


: 


their souls, their patriotic service, and made their sacrifices a 
this cause of ours? I have lived the time when hostile interests 
would have sent me, not only to jail but to the gallows. There 
has not been any change in me. The things which I believed 
then I believe now, and am fighting for to-day as then. The 
change has not been in our movement. It has been the oppor- 
tunity of understanding what we are striving for, that changed 
the judgment of our opponents and our enemies. This day means. 
to me so much, for we have given industrially the fullest measure 
of our strength, physical and mental, in the greatest struggle in 
human history, and now our work and our sacrifice and our serv= 
ice are beginning to be appreciated. And on this very day, the 
signing of the Treaty of Peace that shall end the wars of the 
world, accompanies this recognition and appreciation of labor, 
ushering in a new era of justice and freedom, of peace au 
democracy, for the peoples of all the world——From address at 
banquet at the Bellevue-Stratford Hotel, Philadelphia, Pa. , June 
28, 1919, following the launching of the ship “Afel,” at — 
Island. 


290 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


We took four million men out of the ranks of industry and 
labor and put them into the camps and the battlefields of Eu- 
rope. These men have been brought back to the number of two 
million and a half. There are about a half million yet to come 
back. Machinery—the best in the world—has been put into in- 
dustry during the war to produce quantities of supplies and am- 
munition, and things never dreamed of in the world’s history. I 
want to ask every man and woman here to consult their own 
minds and consciences and ask themselves whether it is not our 
first duty to find jobs and work for the men who were willing to 
give up their lives in order to make this country secure and to 
give the people of the allied countries the opportunity to live 
their own lives? The first duty we owe is to see to it that in 
these trying hours we shall so re-arrange and re-adjust our affairs 
that the American workingman shall have the right to a job be- 
fore anyone who may want to come here from another country. 

. I would not want any man to believe that I want to build a 
Chinese wall around the United States. . . . If the workers of 
all countries were well organized and had established standards 
of life and labor commensurate or nearly commensurate with the 


LABOR IN THE WAR FOR DEMOCRACY 291 


life and standards established here, there could be no objection. 
The doors would be thrown open and the hand of welcome ex- 
tended to all who come of their own volition. . . . But this is a 
crucial time—an unprecedented time in America, and it simply 
means that for the time being we must protect ourselves or be 
overwhelmed.—From address before Pan-American Federation of 
Labor Congress, at the Hotel Continental, New York City, July, 
1919. 


The circumstances of the past five years have drawn the 
peoples closer together and brought the nations to the situation 
where their interests are more closely woven together. Entirely 
aside from the question of whatever may be the wishes of peoples, 
the circumstances are such that no people can lead a life unto 
itself. The future of all is woven into one future. Not only did 
the war draw us together in response to a common sentiment and 
a common idealism, but it brought us closer together by a more 
intricate weaving of the industrial life that forms so great a 
part of the fabric of our civilization. The working people of 
England and America, I am sure, have no regrets because of this. 
Almost all that the people of our two countries have is the 
heritage of a common ancestry and a common background. 

It must be apparent to all that the organized labor move- 
ments of both countries appreciate this to the fullest extent. 
The hopes and aspirations of the labor movements of our two 
countries are substantially the same. While different conditions 
may require different manifestations of policy and tactics, the 

_ central thought in the minds of us all, on whichever side of the 
Atlantic we may be, is that our common future must be worked 
out and reached through the ordered processes of democracy. 
_I think we feel in common that we shall make progress toward 
a better day in proportion as we take advantage of the opportu- 
"nities democracy offers us for consistent and intelligently ordered 
| advancement. 

_ It is in the minds of men everywhere to-day that the human 
race must go forward. There are those influences in both our 
| nations which have in mind only a picture of the past. That, it 
is clear, is a picture that is not in the minds of the organized 
workers of either Great Britain or America. Our picture is one 
of the future, perhaps not altogether clear in outline but being 


292 LABOR AND THE COMMON WELFARE 


molded into form by the realization every day of a certain meas- 
ure of progress toward the final goal. 
All that Great Britain had and all that America had was 


a 


staked upon the struggle against political autocracy. These great 


resources were thrown into the fight for a definite thing and that 
definite thing was democracy. What we struggled for has been 
achieved. If that struggle has had any meaning and if the out- 
come has any meaning, it is that we are committed with all of 
our intelligence and all of our thought and all of our reasonings 


to the principle of democracy. We are committed together to go - 


into the future, to work out our salvation through the ways 


and opportunities of democracy, and I speak with confidences 


when I express the hope and the belief that through these ways” 


and these opportunities we shall justify the sacrifices that have 


been made and mold in the future a civilization founded upon 


political and industrial justice. 
There are trying times ahead. It is not too much to say that 


there are times ahead that will try us more severely than we 
have ever yet been tried. Our best common judgment will be re- 


quired to meet the issues that we face, but the great English- 
speaking nations will meet every emergency and will prove equal 
to every demand. The organized labor movements of both our 
nations occupy positions of great and grave responsibility. en- 


larged and accentuated by the war. They will contribute to the 
full in the tremendous work that is to come; they will justify 
their positions and more. With the shaping of the future of the 
world undoubtedly largely in the hands of the two great Eng- 
lish-speaking nations and in view of conditions everywhere the 
responsibility that lies between us overshadows and outweighs 


that laid upon the people of any other country. It behooves us 


to have full realization of this and to undertake every task in a 
spirit of the most sober and mature judgment. The common: 


counsel that we take together will be in the interest of mankind. 


The common progress that we make will be for the betterment — 


of the world. No peoples at any time ever had a larger respon- 
sibility and a more glorious opportunity—Jndependence Day 
statement for the “London Times,” July 4, 1919. 


INDEX 


A 
American Alliance for Labor and Democracy......... Set oemesess 
American Federation of Labor— 

RES I OLATITISELISE | ACESja coc au = junncoces bclasis galeinclsnwecsieeae 77 

EERE ISIE DT. Tsp Ree el OS ee epee aera aaet Srp 30 

SERS ppg Lear Ree ESSA Cpe ee ete ey yt 139 

BME MDTSOBCAM War... 2.) ss6 eco owes cdedeavecedeeds sec 247-249 

PUL U SEE TELS et Se ae er terran nats, Boe 90 

and freedom of petition for Post Office employees.......... 47-48 

PR MMMERCHMEHE ANOT /PALty. = ccs <2 sis cv sice sc sete selscomce see 123 

pe MI MEDIPIS ALE UOLCES 375 < o,o oi clelcince eo uiv's's ss ewan dle se avis ee ses Dae ewae I4I 

MARIA AE ERE cn oc ale ge va deuesscdadcercetet ss vossameidacie 21 

Sa MERRIE ATES Eee) na in ae Sean ew sees op exe sonore 7 

pniausmer—aitted labor ComferenCe... 22.22... ee ccc cec ccs ceess 238-2390 

aa RECO EUS. (2 S84 Se Sia Sale cre wise widyew sie bv SERA nls NOOO eR TE 35 

and international labor conference with enemy participa- 

EG@Doc.- = toe 233-235, 238-230, 250, 203-264 
iL TEIPESP EL PGES ee se ee Eee een eS = 142-143 
222 “Penst Tien Rees Se eer eae ane en 287-288 
PU MEMEEIE EL CAI PAIOT CXPETISES. cs -\- 000.60 00cesscdecdievonces I4I 
and political representation in A. F. of L. conventions.......... 124 
peed RE eo edd ale beinlubc 142-143, 145-146 
(See also American labor movement; organized labor; trade 

unions.) 

LLL SRRDRIES 42RE Ee eo ee eS were 20 
Beamite Seaderes Meislationes sob. cbc cei ie. abies eacle dae ben cee 167-169 
«22: FE a a Se oR ee eee 180-184 

LEE ERLE? Wie Pity See ee eS erect a RL 124 
«LIL URLS ER ESOS Ss hp eee re Beiter eee O's 116 
Lp RSs A a A eC re Ste 289-290 
Pea TUDE SSIES oo. 5 Ce cits oS cicca,sicic neo ercre c wicivic. coe 172-173 
SERGE, Gave. OR SO oe er prs tee 211, 216 
American institutions— 

RIESE LE CONCENIMENE Sooo Sais/see ade sinicass > occlu deus das gaedeante 211 
LENT S57, : SRNR ROR, 2) Ogee en Rm enr, Gen eran ef 22) 157-158 
American labor movement— 

p MER ERAN ores 6 OU Re ioe wis duc a egad auras ee Hee 239 
‘ PEPIPLCHAECUTOSS 26 asc = Javelin oes Lie 45 Had Gaon See 244-245 
F JL EEA. TR See ee ene es Eke Res Coenen a oi 8 241 
I MEIER E25 ao aia Fe chne anim wore sine sha aime aie AW Se 262 
ss Peabo Uitton i. aes e atone hale oa cola ee See 177-181 
, EGE) Ee Oy Cer ee ee eee Ore Se ee 260-261 
: erican Society of Equity............ sio.wick Sacchud de sects Se eee 40 


293 


204 INDEX 


Army, The— J 
large standing army. «o.oo. cisics + wa clelslslelplsatelslelalele aiataiaeieaets irene 
citizen soldiery....... bsp io: a biekeievevepetele een aene ale. ie(oiela abelpiate,e\s/oi (ns ean 
soldier control Of... 2. o0se ss 0js's os e/eleleinia sistelsiatateiete atelatateiina aman 


B 


Berger, Victor-L., on revolution... ...cscucuclieetelsieeieeea aaa 
Brewer, Justice, injunctions ............... oo bel eiejelela a atcvewisisl-ete gaan 
British Labor and the War....... Rees ais 5 ~ eC 
British labor party, reconstruction program.............-..--278-279 
British trades disputes act.............se0- sie wieyeraieteisiers tela cetaiers 7 
British’ trade) unions. cs 26S cee sence o.c-e Sie teigtal Celalei tats evoke ata 
British trade unionists, methods........... «-Giejo eeiete rs elelatehatsiotel 41s aataaa 
Brotherhood of man..... ERE AUT BALA +» aeie sisi een 3 aide elvis se ecg een 
Brown, (JO: giciisi« suisse steiner eevee eee ow a(atta (aie ve ofelelclnyese sistema 
Burleson idea............0. ono 0.0 010 6 wn ieibiareietayeleiele teteteralalafets ile test een 
Business men and the War...-...---- «= 0 sie Gi GSE EE Oe ao 
Bolshevism— 
principles |. Ocoee eee ane oe oe o,nihtelols aie faperehetahe a atet sek ON 
French socialist party endorses. o\ale-tshotetele rahe eee esre/e.steielo shells (ate COE 
dictatorship of the proletariat. ....... cjce/s«telsisiicleieleiicesiinielsteinnn 
Menace , OF) nd. corse mek nies eee enetee MT See Pion sg ene g 


Capital +... eck ae cieie ee we cco.c lee nie 5 c'u asa leya tele anteater tate eae eae ean 


Capitalist system, evolution.......... woth sisyevatats aes sinipia sleije-os nn 
Charity workersincs acne aceasta oreo eae 6/6 ee eee 2» eiela =O, ae 
Chicago Daily Socialist............ Sieieye's Cee see cists b stoieierdn aie aaa 
Child labore eyecare seseae o 6 60 oe eo 6 0/6 05) 0) ST nSTe aT alee ae 
Chinese exclusion......... EPA SABC & 4 6/ollois eieetmrohelin we et et stale ean 
Church, thes .j..3 oe oe ava seekers iene «ire mele ye\e telat oie crops ann 
Cigarmakers, working conditions, wages, strikes......... w+ 0147-148 
Cigarmakers’ International Union, average length of lives of 


MEMDETS », seo) \e\ vse 0 'o1d's nie jorsveceie yn /elelelepelenee eee oe dielale' sie s\0is «ea 
Clayton ‘antitrust act iy s-ic cies sles cise ae Pees Sit i 77, 160, 285 
Classes ceca pe steer eeeee eerie ooo cies 6 0010 olelnidainl otnialelelelaietelataista aan 
Class legislation. . BARA ES as einietn wiare nie (eicke nea oe seine savers el e)ateie (en en 
Class struggle........ hice ee «eée00/ ce eee ocile sealntae ve 00/0 gen 
Collective bargaining— 

advantages (Of) aus vee eramiak velersteteiree PS ici <i eele\els\s'o0 a= =) 
influence of national prosperity upon BEER oe « seje- aie ote holeharshate tale ann 
Commodities and human labor power.......... 4, 5, 10, 14, 16, 144-145 
Competition. seem eeiienetas PPP oe ocoron sec. 


Congress, United States— 
functions ‘and power Of. J44-4 «see ee eee 4 aSaca'ais a elec eeaen 
House of Representatives, functions........ wo slate ofops eteie crate -» 51, ae 
opposed », to, Jabor.c3.. (2) 4.2 shasnccs beeen «+. -130-13I, 132-138 
refuses to enact labor legislation.............. set ewses ces cn AO 
trade union’ men aN uG ere cases cceeeee pas 019 wle.e'e. 070a'a en 

Conscientious objectors.............- ere 


INDEX 295 


Conscription— 
cHipipseesetise Gf agaist labor Vos. ce ecccscecuccscececcevesees 250 
and soldiers’ and sailors’ dependents..............00cceeececeees 249 
aIISHRHPiste! WIIMtEE SEAS. o<coce dec cc eddecscdevecescacnseocic 48, 49 
Consumers— 
us. producers........ eae datas athe pe Reh Shr OF ener Aate Bienen 9I 
AMGEHCHEENISES: onc ccnicecc ce cocs BS Poms acd deine Bete oO ae ae a ee 92, 93 
Mt ERE IMCS nei, ou aso c rec aareacanken ademas a dacvicins oo wdlcene 32 
Contempt of court........... J ees adele cane seis seen ne Ban ce aeiwe 70-72 
Convict labor— 
MeBNEIMCRFAM SEATS PYISOMM> «2552 4.42\on cen ececsons se anaccnceace 95-96 
PA MERECE SI PAUOE = <2 25 Jehe) Aone cine acca ciciem ceca she acne IIo 
convict contract labor system— 
Siete ce SOUS! DIISONCES acl =o Sid. Sere dade soto acta vans IIO-III 
epeeENbIMNaEED NEISSOPEP 20 Peo oink. Sain pine eee cae aldeec tema III 
PSUS T1992 G Sa ee III, II2-I13 
PenbrEMatOt otANDHE (Prades. 25 00 oes df sdaccinoseccecsueassout III 
states must employ convicts direct...............22200000- III-I12 
PAPER PEOMEACLOLS 2 025 foe c once acon bo ve oh adc dees oneeeee III 
interstate shipment of comvict goods..................02.-5- 112 
MELAS REHE SYSTEM os oo cscs ces otic cc Soe cclsdvetesce ue II4-115 
PAMEMIMEOS “ALEIEHOG: COWAEG 66 oc oc oboe codec nccneccecscaccucee 127 
Courts, The— 
anti-labor decisions and injunctions................2200cceceee- 134 
PUPCAMEMERIENIOWED) COUTE CECEGES 5. 22. icc ec cnncsccccccresecccs 7 
PAE NEMESTSIPECNSIGS 6 oe > Sal aninia(c Gains win a'oc cs aa cisre device cle acecmoeee 61-62 
LESTE USCS ST Se a re ees ney 8 UE 73 
BHpastiomito labor Orzanizations......- 20. .20-cedsccrectccceccs 73 
SREP RIEEPIE RT Era Yates. CG a\u lle b.o's veie.cleie ule clsimie vive winles eerautad alee 7 
ROSIE ESERECOUEIIN GE ENE PLCSS 5.006262 cise en cc seee cece ce te dence aes 76 
and labor provisions of Clayton antitrust act.................... 7 
SoG) tS) ee Saito ss cio waco ex's do's eee eee tee 53 
2G SES GRD Gd Se a 58-59 
ESSERE EI a aaa eaciceccdlclcciecscercseacdusteceuaeass 61-62 
asHrpation Gf legislative power by.....-.....---- 0c ccc cecesce 73-74 
DaLMisAMeOHCD COREE, MACE. oo as seis oo a oo vie vids s cectees aunsece cee 77 
eae 
organized labor demands liberty for...........-...--..----- 129-130 
oes ele. demands recognition Of..)....505-250.ccccedecccces 224 
per ieisen trider. Spatislt He. yo ci cece ue eclns se cose deeeewees ae 224 
MIMEHCOHOCHCE Of. onic ve eln'teecicdeevdeec Sinty bys mctele: date ane eee Shel cee 225 
D 


meanbury haffers’ case...-...2-+-ccee acaaduvaeemeee Hes acadesaiee 47, 134 
PAE CHOI S 3 Soc(ice anf aS oo Soe ee oe vce ol eae 181, 182, 187 
‘Declaration of Maudependerices 22.225 2650s weeme bcs Coats oe 50, 173 

ERG) extccdaanteasemaaecs es 286-287 

-Democracy— 

PMC VCEVEY MIC. oo ssi athe as code ott Sees wt eel ede eee 280 
Pane fice FAbOr SOVENICHE: « oc-1 oc ain cceccssaeccawsce 195, 218, “258-2 59 
PRNMMPLERALEUHCSS§ Soe 145 a 92 clogs Sota dua e ee dee bade o000e243-244 
Seer Riess Aih AMIMEATISN. 955 5045055. 46cd in ees sacar Fooe le2QO257 


EE —— 


296 INDEX 
Democratic party, attitude toward labor’s demands............137-138 
Department of Labor. ...... .5..000).00% - <5 ase a Riale) Safes 
DITECE ACTON) iio ie sie aiedieiecsicitieseicleicioleielelele oo cele 203-204 
Disarmament ...... o: ei eyel aveie late star eieve-e)aViole ehayeRe Ree een ana .220-221, 245 
Discontent. 6.00.0. see cise cies eens os cela sacle (ogee 
DIScussiomya yaaa eee oi wie) shaseaieerein aie aici eneyiel oh Oat eee ea +e13i- 7 
Distribution) of wealth.......\... cece ce seer gene eee 9, 94, 152, 185, 195 
Division: Of labor... <a. sewis.ce tence sence et eee eee eee . 10 
Dred: (Scott ‘decisions. sacs scares ails teers beclaldvels te: Stone 
E 
Economic) action...2.% J.s<s ss «sce endear eee iiuigeneele SABE 
Economic conditions, 1902-1016: .... 1... s.ee sneer eee 170-171 — 
Economic conditions, American vs. European......... jor datate is aoe I51 
Economic . development). J2-2...--. 444542 stecen tba 157-159 
Economic power. . 2s... sacs. 565405006 see 55, 50, 50, 60 — 
Education seu en eke icaccen ee eee 43, IOI, 105-106, 164 
Education, industrial... .).'.2:. 00 snies «jee 0 einle eee eee IOI-107 
Eight-hour day— j 
achievements of organized labor...............cserce ticle aleve alate Sinem 
eight-hour law. ....00.ei coos os se since shel eee ete vee» 40m 
INAIUMENCE, Of. o.2 sere iere nse tale e wjoiereseie icine eee wid’slaloje/eiale ole = 9) UA 
on Panama’ Canalo. ooo o.ce ok. soe 2 /aletblalelele’e eves brea 
origin and extension of sidlevere'e ecto abs eee ee eeee ee 105-160 — 
(See also Volume IL, “Labor and the Employer’) 
Biot; Drie seiko gel akoe shale) Scselbe paler eee Hone vic Baeosode. 
Employers and the labor movement................c0. aia avaleve oe ciepeeea 
European War— 
and anti-labor government administration........... visas see 210-25 
and brotherhood of t MAN 6) 4, 5:60, o.<:0/0/0.8 «ele wows Geile «ee Ghee 
CAUSES. oe) chong Oak b Sielelsteeaioie oie asta ale Ge ee + cat ee e -208-2001m 
and’ democracyz.) it. joni juicleviresaere rete ciebele eee sieijereieioele icles eie ae aaa 
and immediate’ peace: ...... .0.i.. se seek eee ala letaye falatehelaiere cones beleeanans t 
and ‘national, tinity:/ oo) leactcnie a srercle eres steers sla ieee oe eeeee e 0253-2540 
and. patriotism. 6.46... .0%5 b/s sien) «<< © «ees ste eaee 
power of Congress to declare. ..... .o... J2e eee eee eee 251-252 — 
principles and institutions! at stake... .-2-22s eisai wes. 202i 
problems \of ‘production. 4... 200: eee acne blahae aistetoeaettere oo. 250m 
referendum on declaration of. war.........-ss-c.s.e8 Bhie!s oie 's:e/e Ra 
War €cOnomyas....6 0a. HATE eto 5 ic = Sates BAAR co vee ee «200-207 
war, | fiancecs eae pe vss aceeceaseeeen eee eee 265-266 
war risk insurance..... PEI SaNG Gjocsccnescac + «209-270 © 
WAL sSCLVICE. s\<.0ics s deieie es siwecleaie sigamisies eee veeteeces 0255-200 
F 
HAINES) paces dal eloteleleralsielviai einai caterers 6 56. ove.ereloipl (alate tslefole pa 
Farmers’ Educational and Codperative Union.............. wees 30) 4m 
Federal | jurisdiction. ...6. 640000 asin cs oes 0 ale cee ere «i oe 
Federal . systemi. 24. dees aie aies's a elses > cial ap eee eee woes 20, TSM 
Finance, place of in industry. .:..... 0... «+ see eee eens +. .93. 
“First American Conference for Democracy and Terms of Peace’. .249 
Freedom i. i500 geod bees a oo oe eee ee oer oe 002, 201-20 
Freight-handlers, conditions and wages..............+++-- wee I48-149 
Free ‘assemblage. ..j,5)2<:cdtostesroeeroniels 1c) sles reeene odin oy 172; 0 TOSI 


Free association........ we ence e 6.6.90 ile igieve ps 0'elelole biel efeleteveletateie tare steam 


INDEX 297 


PSE. TOPE. 12. cag, Oe eee eee ae ee ee A 14, 68, 72 
DEL STStt he ee eee ere 14, 68, 72, er alo 134 
French Government, dissolves teachers’ union.................-.--- 96 
IPO MEM SEPM EASSEIES 92. gc dias cea wielaisleicwtelanictow 6 b'vie cures 57; 58 
G 
Germany— 
ceessenipity aud free speech: 25-6 ccc sses sane cecs ae cccae 267-268 
Rue MEMRAM ote” on cee eat Mieitte gave ie wae sus eS PS Oa 240 
A EP MUCEMINCHE! 25/8 oO A kas 3 Mek soon e teks See 264-205, 266 
(PESILEL RICCI FR a ee en eS ites ae aor saree Ole Seay 236 
Gr eaitesietalists: Support fe WAL... 2000s csc ne demeae ste eee 263 
Steerer BREE SEUUEIIIoFe eins os Ac Slate sie bo oe ha lad Oe whet oes eee 235 
aE MEISMEESEISSIAS 51554 daphne 5 ee BE ee mis ee Ste 260 
organized labor has no influence upon German government... .267 
SNAP ERE EISEV OS 8 oon assis oc Said ia dra 3 bienla min Binlele woe S oe aeldataee 236 
President Wilson’s fourteen points................002c-eeee0eee 236 
SOLINE iOS 0 Bee ee ee ee em Ae Pea melee ae 250-257 
PEDGIE FURL 202 42S RR Reena Seer Semes OtOy ET 202 
See Seip a se Se 2 oie oid wichel win jala'ora.s elamdininla @ape Wie aloie smietteianion Le 
Se GHSHESMEMTICT SHINS 2 oie os Scie wie eae o.c ia own leisjndcie dees wemiciees 95-99 
MM CRIMUPULTWOLKEES «2.5 oct /cldneidacnqcccsecsiccc@enss 45, 48, 57, 99-100 
Great Britain— : 
PIPE HEMNETIEEED “SEALS S| 2) oc.) 2 o'e'nle\ninlae dies dc awnsemianiie cles the 291-292 
palniestiapatcy Of oreatized labor..<.....2.02se06odse ce secs acat 125 
Sear apt MME EREASG ioe Noes Tae  ciniplois nis oe 2 wien widlae eineaimeene 34, 35, 30 
H 
IDET LIC Taree ee rere tos | 219-220 
Harlan, Justice, usurpation of legislative power by courts...... 73-74 
Hawaii, slavery abolished by trade unions...................02. 128 
Peer ©) Ol, VIOLENCE. oi. c)0,014 2 20k oo a's oo vice aciade ae” 187-188 
Pee Pemstelst55 £1211 \CONCINOUS) SOF. -ic)s.<6 om oes woo k cm cw eecsecnes 118-120 
EM eenpE APSE Beers ae Stole nals sc hen.c ds apis bok ab dase bees 59 
ELBOUST. 2.17 eS a ee a 212-213, 216-217 
(RIURE Gig 22) aA Eee eee ane RE meer ee Ae. I5I 
CJICTER | Ao cr A ee ae eee ee A or ecosce 183 
MONCH EMEIIGEESS.. » wicca cle pncdace wees sd scnneac's binwalslepmids sa ele ae 184 
I 
LSE Saf - eo ee ee ccgciee see Eee 203 
2 ES ceo Ee ee ee eee rte re me 105-106 
REIS R Tisl ESSE 5 215 Sia Poa cra weiatdies pis’e eee w.cralelals aa Serre ae 2il 
Redearrtcttte political) ACHOUE o)2 2 i<. 3 saeiee, oa'cleide ae eure ee Soe 125-126 
Endependent political labor party. ..-.......2.ccccccccacescauce 140-146 
BRNEAAL COMEMIONS. «on 5 oon pn ee mor ee ke nr ne anna nape te eanennimsns 12 
MHSERAMNEEISCS «5 00.) tee ne tae «ciclo bin wine apenin wae eee aie ameanaese I4 
RAM REN ho oe walls mna'n's hp oe has ale pS Rane eee 45, 46 
JULES STS Lg a ee en ee eer ence! ers ese aGE 
MRRISISE GTAP BEE EOS 8. Oe aso a ion os sidle do iele'larw ateiwale toate 4, 45 
Bessttics private. Sesulanon (OF... 2. \2 sis ais oa wae wee vied dem paveeaie 154-155 
RIPEPESECACEIEE FEAIGNISIS INI 200 (2 ofa Fiaho «co's, io to 0 ess ates 0 io dlsint dda waias A DAES eae 183 
(See also One Big Union.) 
Industrial Workers of the World...............022000e0: 182, aan 


SAS ER ALI ABER RMON 270575 fo: os aie valer a a nate cia us ssid oss w/enniela omnlewiae Bare Sea eee 


298 INDEX 


Immigration— 
Chinese; .exclasioni.. 2 2c jocee sees RRP ac ce ueeyel 
contract labor........ easel ales nl ele Senne Svat De ticles else roe rp oat 
employers uscd eee eee eee ee ee iwluibeterd ane taare Corea 
European economic conditions. ......./..0ame jets eee 
foreign schools)... ../. sc)... ods one oe ee aaleials Biol tye sree 
AMIMIQTANES” eos coin ee ccs eleclece ec 0 oe ee cleleleeldl ete Otel tne «Aq 
induced ........ sine seis se be sole ela a levere og alee nO ae ora 78, 80, 88 
labor standards) jose cme ane neni PRE oar sc 88 
literacy teSt.:. 0. ao scjeiere:e Siete eiclere's leis eee gos (SI-o2y 
post-war restriction... 0... 2c)... 2200s cis s/s else ere eaten 290-291 
SSehVaMtsiolle elite ailbig al eepeie SARS Sad aie ote » oe ane Seoeeciaes pee 
Injunctions— 
Class! /chanactersnS.0)se eee esis de dioveih eee eee Pattee .. «66-67 | 
and cOMNspiracies:.... 6... 0c sac ae Gane Sen eee ba see 
and free assemblage and association............... RSS Cae: -- 
and freedom of press and speech........ oa gee ree SNES Sie 68-70 
and industrial ‘relations: |... ..5..2..4 + seen ee eee ost ose 6 0 a 
and jail Semtences......).(22/-i<<:s).\+ oieis “ine «else eee sicloiatsia\s (0s: « Oi 
and municipal council investigation.......--e eee ee nee :70-71 
number petitioned for by employers 1898-1908.................-- 
and patriotism) of workers...)...:.-..eleeee eee seeicake 215-216 
power tO ISSUE... 0.6. c cee ee tis die on od clele ee 
abuse Of... 5600 005.20 0ecb seb. a deed ces ae er 
procedure vs. criminal law. ).2--) 422 cee ie sisiopetteee Sateen 69-70 
and property rights... 0.0.00. 65. 03.02.202 Genoa o3 oe Sa 
and TiOtSs'. occ c.ce sales cece wsle ne «ea ble este ee eee eee satay ee -65 
and’ strikes (3/05. bee eee ae eee 5.3. 00c/ ao Baars i 61, 63 
temporary ....... owe 610 o0.e wee 6's e:e nlc oie)aa oheiatay chalet eae ta ete sang 
“Tntellecttials” oo... ode c kee one ce ees cere e ee ee 18, 31, 33, 34, 35. 
Inter-allied labor conference (war-time).............--.+++0-- 23 ; 
International ‘court of ‘arbitration. . 5.2 -+-4eseeee eee amen). 
International labor conference (war-time) with enemy represen- 
tation), ube sete es Uncen yee eae peere vo ae Oe - 233-235, 238-239 
International labor relations— 
and trade unions... 2.0. i). dan onie ca eles sibs 
influence of organized labor upon............. daa ee we 218-219 9 
International peace— 
abolition ‘of (war: oi... .25s.ebce oc 2s oe cele eee Jains «0/010 +) te 
ab arly uphices sive ee sien wets a voloteee es ans eee aiisieleve's scien 
arbitration 5.0/0 jeje sis/aieie slolalelslaceleceie! lel ofeletel tel aetna nar slat hs anes . 2 27a 
armed Pe€aG@! i) seen veracviclelle elcid cceeeie eee eae dhseitl eee 
and’ ‘disarmament... {2 /.34000 0.235.054. Jose ee s+ « -220-227 
essential labor demands to imsure............<«cc--see + bb's oie 
FOverNmMeENts oo se sion ea oe sn ein alesis ete) o/elefaletale tle Bee") 
international complications. ..<...2..+ .<-cccseeieeeeene eee 273-274 
league for peace......... draleth tataloniata ulate MES Ae he ches rune o 226-271-274 
league of: nations.) ..)5<iictiae se sisie oe cele oe ee sie ole) sies Cage 
old. style diplomacys. iii.) cieitie iets slate ole oraloenesaeeae nlc ahora -. 272 
and organized \f0rce: 2. 636d 25 0 lac cn snicker 214-215 — 
and’ organized labor esc cals de celcic a eles = siete eo oreeeeenee .++.21Q, 220, 226 
International relations— 
Anglo-Saxon ........ seis a0 cle we leicis o(0 00 .0/e.0 <\c eelntelata teat atts eiaeeann 
and diplomacy#.c. esac eee oe oo un os oie onde ctelee a tatehe ats tetet etna 


Interstate Commerce law..... Mada o's cine ose dis wie lee Metre sleet aan 


INDEX 299 


MTEEMALGtAlN SOGIANISE REVIEW << .0 cc) vccc ees scicesicias te seal carvcnss oe 38 
Involuntary servitude— 
Ian (Saas eae Rete Prats aieitstaheliainietcde aietehe atevachati sia eae 152-153 
SEES ESL = - 2 chop OPA pt es er gee ee I 167-168 
eet Se Nae oo las ayes, ole a siciciiejsiontsieicere mawiabalcjslares eaiedasne 7, 18 
Italy— 
ERMBEACe EpPLOparadll das oc cele s.c.1es oa acco vesicles ce wore sicje strate See 236 
Me ERETS ONG THE WAT = cold wieiesc seine cen die eweid elec eeaelees 269 
Socialists, anti-war propaganda ims... ....scccsedeccseesreces 237-238 
MO Pe EPEU AE fero).Ss o's. nie sic.e enjers(rciciere bia wis'eieia dhe aide erm @eisie acre oe sele 237-238 
J 
NGNUISHUWWORKEDS. occ cccic cs cecvenccids's J toi dchenpnaue alates sods Soe e es 43 
K 
Kirby, \John........ Rroitieheie Sele lalate wisioin'atalelatsiaiaicjeis lerchaleaveccte e wetaeieiet ences 38 
GELS (GELS oy a or aiavicle Seton cine eee 12 
iL 
Labor— 
ay et PER EEPTETey ach ocyfa! afc) si vie'e,s)a1s/é\e ve. e1e ce doses eS aero eroe boss oie «adele 170 
hand, factory, BUIAC ETE Se odors Beye wis, oraicjar ns a ere eihareleies acento ee 6 
Labor ‘Day Tete siecle raise bier eave oscse ete. ole wie ere diglab ise oamrante aueies 3I 
ETE Ia OPM AEN SI cee foiei a cle aicic ass elefeldieioraicls so 0c de vve vada ediad 8, 46, 47, 55 
Arey SACS Fo oyna ov ciclcinic uw “ole ato,o a(s.ale\eisiee wiviaces oa esis 71S oa Saas 
Labor power, human—not a commodity.............0eeee000% 169, 274 
PAMOMNTEPLESeMtatiOn) 1k MIGUSEEY.. «<0... cesses ccvcccectvaccacs 55-50 
Labor standards— 
PRTC TAREE TET IY otters set sictalete ciniareieicieivinve vie keke came ceee sete 290-291 
eI CEU MEADS. POSITION je cicicletee<o.0,0 <:aicine cise weirs sn ne eoe ce 280-281 
POPE Te CaM CAE Tee erc nc) vie cca ei cieks fereiv eloidie erste! oleid'e ed a vieiclgis 4 4 vos. le Ba eles 163 
SPIRES tPA Ee ea ier Nose wiarsteis c nsiele lave’ lets ark: ici wievciu.a. 6 sysicinvele Kensie 287 
BANA GUCAMPTSEIAGO Ds! Sclaye wis loin elaiersiee.nieTsyvielale oleieie biaie oS ie.einalee wicle 6 a ace 53, 54 
PET OMOUESTIPPI SANG \GEMANG. 4 \.as caeca cee suaccisseassscvssesceclns 14, 15 
_Legislation— 
BME VANIER OM ere 6 <1) c/a slum cine ac wieisisioaisie sis ss cicls eons no eaanemmeaes 66 
| labor legislation SOUR: Pym WORKERS? 2s /s.5 acceso ea vo tele spheres 55 
Legislative AEMOMM Actas terse sonic « sicletis Dac actos. 53, 54, 55> ‘% 
Leadership Re afer sia Lele ede eee aie aleraxcvare/Sie,8 are, disiverat scart ace ere seers 
BESTOP MUTI AIOUS. «coin Jesus ccc cees se eee vaseseces 275-277, 288, ae 
BM lcs RATA oma aieis wm oda icin sayeinlae aie viele e fe as ene panicine enieaa cine 267 
HC PPR iss NRE RING Sole S'sla ciore\ass a/e @ env'ele Neate ole eae 169-170 
Rea aI os os RPE het So husk es ae tabclee a ae 10 
-Liberty— 
BIHECT BLOM UO TICE. StAteS as clc..s.c.02 s.se.c «ond ee vee olg.cce eters 58-590 
RG SSMC MITA ROTC. So cic ota arent aie oui e cia » © be niea diss be Heels vim ae MTOR 58 
Mrenlaws secured by trade Uni0MS:... 6... .ccccie sew enscusien 128 
Bericoln ww EResigent,. Of  SEMIKES. cocc.c0 sos de gelvs sien cau Wemccumiecavens 10 
BEI EES OP ps aie Since atte oc Ske we ok Khas Se dae Sa ee eee eee 76 
BETUtENnOtAtericai: l4pOLa cineca. ©. cdc cigetclak acces sore a eens 218 
MRA R SEU t eile otis oy ae Serer aa Noo engin whe Sra ciake dlaore ete 38, 40 


Beas AEATA TCAs SUTIICATT 1O Lech ans, cieicis shesatenst oko ohcia nicl cloter lel santaerovageysietalctetatelsie: aie 235-236 


300 INDEX 


M ; 
MeNamaralGaserns «reyes ere dis wlele leeja ee tne o dees eccis sclas 510 OO aiemm 
Marx, Karl— 
tHeOLle!s, sister, bbe aia's a aarsal eel eto ee 4 alaid SOU EAa eee rete . 185-186 
on wiolence: 2.) e4ce be eee eee eee ss sie oy ass 3 . +. LOG 
philosophy, | OF. o:ces cies she odes be Oe we Meld s So's ae aan 
Massachusetts, bureau of labor statistics............. tvseters eee s eo BOI 
MEXICO. oo esse 'eiece weiss sieceiesnier ais ereie/e/ele ce ee 221-222 
Militarism— 
in, \Germatty Wass ste neeese eee ete « s sletele: Wels heaters achslerenioeros «04 -2AQ 
the «militiay fee oe 3 Rcpgsteminiat 239-240 
opposition of trade union movement ton. eeeeeee eee ou 0 e246 
protection, againsts.5 2. 6..02c20+.07e eee eee See nian -. 24 
PRussianiece ar ieteimalse cee ede sie sate teeet eee 256-257, 
Military! Camps: 660 6cs6 és)siec soe elie See Be eats 
Military training... 025.6062. 002 ca + + soph 
Militia; ised against’ workers... ../..-+-. see nee 230-240, 247 
Milwaukee Democratic Herald........0c.cccccecceuseee Secetee 38 
Mill and mine conditions— ‘ 
Breaker | DOYyS..462 6600205 cies cos dese ne eee Slelecae octet ene 
INSPECUION! 5.6.0 eis s de ereeic ols ens « ciciclon eee  ciele(e 2e/ste ea 
Safety appliances..... 04 50.6.602.60 cs cee eee 128-129 
safety in mines, United: |States....\...: 2... cee eee nee 143-154 
Misery ..cccovcccenscusccacescccen sss sc Sette. ———— 7a 
Mitchell, Jolie io) cscs ee bese 6 0 ccs sre a16 18 ie eran nn ses ee eee 
Modern) industry gi)s5<sa's a4) 44 eal aalee <a eee se vied ecwiee 4 eet ina 
Municipal ownership— 4 
effect pon: trade unions...-. 5-225. eeee eee seeescs + QO-m 
of street car system in Detroit, defeated by trade unions..........99 
N 
National Association of Builders..... os the cea ee 2 do kaos eee ee ; 
National Association of Manufacturers. 5... 44s eee eee 38 
National’ Civic Federation, (Phe... 2. 2.22.5 ence eee 26, 36, 37, Et 30 
National defense. . ....)..:/50 apie eiessiesicie sso . » -241-245 
National resources, conservation of...............+.. sani oe wo LOU ieee 
National. witty. See ce bdevele are 24/0 tse 9 oa GRR 5. 280528 
Neutrality— 
and sale of war supplies. ..:.\........-. ease Sb ae ou oan 
and strikes.ic idee ieeeetac ee. ceeee heen re Rie eIeioe Crete 220 
New Republic, The sc... sos ated scene so» soe eee os OS 
New South Wales, state regulation of industrial relations........ 
New Vork. Galle. ticaukstecceacenenek ene eee eee Soe. 38, 
New Vork Volkszeitung. . 0.00 020s soc 0c ne scene eee 8 
New) York) Vori@aertsscaeses cents cise se eee slorse tones «5 )00/- teas 
Non-resistance..........- a le.Scave nesaea, siaieie\ «eo ae Sislslele se 220-2308 
O 
One big union...... o.ciee.beisitie.e.4 00.0 0.0 6616.6)0\¢ ne SEE REE EEE eee 
Organized labor— 


and cheapmlabotacecnecceeencone Shakete Loraterahene oo 0 0.0.0 0 iets eiclelersleisveiste tetera 
and child labor, .......0s000seencse0scen sey est eiiantanl (s/t 


INDEX 301 


Organized labor— 


and congressional opposition to labor............. Rika ey emgO=L3 © 
nici Ot arieitIG EPEndence, ./4\... as.a/ein.c/eeie deel nls Me deieie.e cloiscelele . . .223-224 
UGE ORE GM ERATE: WEALEM. :a</5 laa carvers ieee inka nebatsil die atarcialelovereceranre 159 
andwecontract prison labor, System. .<.. .,.6. 4c sis(00 6 soe nie eelsa'e 113-114 
and the Declaration of Independence................ ets eae 154 
PO MECOMONMGH GEV.ElO PME... ao sfx a er= aa, cyale) a; ser osepe, nie a dveserg ee aidr 158-159 
EGO MOREE Ub OGINE (652. 5)5) c/a) ser asersie wisislc ie dts asinsielecd wale ae alec aarete 165 
AMER OMOMANCMPTO DCIS). 5.2). Seis clerieis,siehe save) rales 1 plaleialatsjelsiave.che «rails e 160 
PG! SCIEN TPM MEE Ds IS ti a Oe ED ER Ean ee aR a 105 
establishes first public school in Massachusetts.,.............. 103 
PIREMREO MS TELOMEAT VV ales): si elerenaise o 0iave ¢iniciale ache Mie Gis ele ele eralelavelevehetctate 215 
CRIT NOOEIREMMIIR ey Ne Oca Sets Nae Coa BL wls\aa tv olabahs leiel els eisbenereasla Dietaberetde ae 
RUIGMTC ESE Iel ECUICATION .)— 5 cx a cie/sseie ssc siecle» neiaielevecein ears «+++ 103-104 
and the Industrial Workers of the World.................. 190-198 
andiinternattonal labor relations...) ... <<. 0s» sessile ele 218-219 
and international socialist conference at Stockholm............ 231 
Mel aheemaon Sirlall » EMPLOVENRS 6: ce s.4.cipiece leds ss eibin ond ei Meese eae gI 
BUSTS MR TERUU UN INCMTISES: petra ay catey ohare suarevaias tse, ccvdya lito, acughuscayeoxcyanvoveweket ele selec nens 154 
PAIN MATL ESMOND CAE TOLIS 5 6054) «Phas; 5) </a''0/ he) «\ 5) 0) 5), 4 ol ep erener wishet anehey etapa ale 153-154 
PLCC CHIMEAGCE) Os) It) WAT ss oles ols vwie eel ei ejevsiessesave ssvelovesnlesialelete 247-249 
EREMCHME PLN SNC cl NG OT TLD EL OTs c/a) ~ fa)s,c)aje,ss) ke! eye «,sials} her <ya, ove: laynietaiece'le a aleitelenaene 1601 
PLA DONEGAIN PALLICS./... 5\s,>,0%8 aie sic piisis cis re eis «se Ay orbregelislehe Stel aal ome e eee 215 
PUINGMET ENON TEUOIL (210! 2) 5: 5/a)'<'o\s, « ciete a \e, oe = ab: 0! ece-e-w Se epopens aa gal ashes k MCL Ned 150 
and progress....... Ns Fete Stara ete oo he ick al atatckare: dare aitetals we eees- 162-163 
PANAMA ENVO LELEL ONG oy fe) of chs) s<rsysjeysyoioysisyssay5/e:s)4!=y hare loredersuaialejetsbetenai ety 152 
and socialist war-time internationalism....................5. 2360-237 
CUM ERMISEMSINAS IN ti sok tia ale alsisiers wats visio disieis eis srate(eralatarcateverebite 92 
AMM IMOnEAMIZe d\ WOLKELS). «:-/<)=\a}-\eis ai <\e «00 /a/sr els (a e100 wvie Sa RSS 150-157 
ACM WETR SE RMICHESEDICES Navas Uaioe ol sl a te) ae ae 250-251 


(See also American Federation of Labor; American labor 
movement; trade unions.) 


12) 
ACI SLIMMER Lae ays,s &.o onclaleinmaiele anise a ware eeimaaes deta atchelae ee.» 229-230 
Pan-American Federation of Labor, jurisdiction, autonomy of 
ANAL ERA MMEMAT IES ey 115) atsvsiciats iolaiete ola aieiaieis ochsveliiave wiateln a aieelne «+ «222-223 

Patriotism— 

PATE Me MU UIGOPEAM | Walia <s:sil/e)a 6 -ccjs.4 ous suessbale es oievete lave FESO ANA Gy 214 
MEAMMOVOR AINeTICAN ANSHLULIONS. 0.0.05 ee ccc ccc ces seca 211-212 
OLIOLSAMIZed: \WaE. EATNETS s\Ae.054 5 boise elles e ieee sole 212-213, 217-218 
PP NITTG fet CARMI EOP LE -jahay Sere ale! siete feiss Fils ge: ol aksiote lose ee ale SE aaa 282 

Peace Conference— 

PANOR GEpKESENtAatiON! 11... sjccsis sacs ess cesiecesc's a niet Sieieiale latent s 2002207, 
BETCUD MOD GEES Ae atnds\o.traic\eloyatsicyeieyausis\ steels nisi pie sho) sibs eid a HORROR 276-277 

eA Omm Me Tell Geteyete rar ois als foro tl svaiclavels| chavscerd ails < ovarateralev aust lahattretale elon 258, 261 

Peace Treaty— 
includes demands of American labor.............esecceeuees 287-289 
MUD ONES CCELOTIO feces cers (oie iaine basa otarai araheul a Wang elarneiahetanber see 277, 289-290 
aA ODTECES EN aiayat sine Wists aint susie dis saves via sie wisds ba eeatemise eee Ene 276 

BSR STOTT EITOTDN ge fe F haan eC ees Ata ik A ech aie UA EULA tlh TR 16 

Baa SRV VETIOE Moraes ova c custard ates) era sts: week 4 a afeicie ale ave a MHSP S Ete Scere RSE Wee II 

Palas fehers meECOMOMIIC | CONGIPONS 4 .c\sirl-qaicicr-faens silo cid cists titles alae 167 


Political action, power, rights— 
address of organized labor and farmers to the country......135-136 


302 INDEX 


Political action, power, rights— 


dangers of the political field. ..... ....,.000 ciieeee ee pee eee eee 139 
effective use of political power. .....:..s>scesUeeeeeee eee eeEE 138-139 
labor’s bill of grievances.......... PModdroonsce- BAH adcrsitinaWs = 130-138 
labor’s protest conference....... ola'ao-e ateenl Ss Sewe dicta nee Pei 135 
labor’s protest to Congress. .......cccecccecccees sina eeuies'i sl 5 atee 
SIGUINCAMEE | Gl. .)ss)-b am eke ote ss sieiasaiwteloieialareltreleieta tater cleans 8 
trade union political action, achievements..............-..-.- 127-130 
Political. economists... < éc0% acs .ooid.s Siena eee eee 4 338 
Porto Rico, conspiracy laws abolished by organized labor........ 128 
Rost; | -Ca J Wiese saan eee eer ea eee aievavelayorereterete Pare eutee 37, 33m 
Post Office Department.......... oe wa oe Retelepae eet Seiad wishes 48, 49 
Poverty and trade unions........... PPC Soo Ob octcnucdnauces: 2 
Preparedness— 
co-operation of the workers........cscccccccccoccccccececes 248-249 
and democracy...........- sicleketoterniatets o visislesialalaninisio cisitinisteeeie 2A G—oame 
ECOMOMUIEG He einielecssieeyeisrereieyaers aivecsiags a eelaisrafalebesarciateteyets eene beeen 242-243 
and militarism..... Seid osledeciesas close cw selene eee teen 242 
POLICIES re Sek nee Se ee eels wo ieiforayava vane oo Gib-3ehyerat ie ice 240-241 
and Wage-Garners..... csc cccsececuiecit alavecalatesaeoyeleinyoreyets e000 «244-245 
Pricesi os) seselis Gan nee mmuameeee PP Fann e God sas Se 171 
Prisons, conditions, Tretorn: :..\.j. = sees RS OAs sisiaialeeimicicrsten ae 
ProduGers: (aise tsaie smnaieise elena o cwisis hepa Per ere aie 
Profiteeringsisjesicisierecisrcvelniotetciste neice ato Me 282, 383 
Progress, influence of organized labor..sssee eee sisleralelelo setae 162-163 
Prosperity Merle tovelle asf, fio a fesos ogeYate ovate tylertarstekar etal een eee se euemonete 94-95, 278 
Public: rights... 6.5 s/s: .e/0,0.0/6.e/2.0 16 ejo.s016!00 + ashe ere wale 0025, 20) ar 


Public schools— , 
established in Massachusetts by organized labor................103 


give one-sided education..........ceesecccceee bie Gaiwle eles isirena eee 102 
and industrial education............. v4 Wa wecelktalerstalalalelteleratere LOL ner 
labore ii iAdasistacin cman ace o o.0\p.0 0:6 6 eleleln nlnisjalniatetstetetstaittatstelate ate 
must be unrestricted Rye eee dlveiare taeda 6.010 016, </0 aleyeratsielareraiatevetetntonaielstete mean 


superior to European schools........ccccccccccscccccccccccres +158 


R 

Radicalism Cr Or Oe a ee | Cooccereeeeeereeeesesesece . -283-284 
Reconstruction problems— 

Bolshevism ........ sa eseececcecevcessee cen puldelae ReteERE cos. a mmena 

demobilization sii diciewajaaeis: cinielcatw wien lee re ete sesdebtelertotir me 286-287 

Gemrocracy:y fs cisis/e/caisinws wwista daveuseisiels scares aia iataielenere te emietetenaae 291-292 

ImuimMdo ration! |) Jessie ateciseianceieene eke son wale Oe wel e 290-291 

land settlement. 5... 5 Jii.c oe ciclec oc lo. olgreleralete erent <vonetedhee. ae 287 

unemployment .........eceeee patie s PP ona opabbe. 287 

Wage | TEMUCHIONS,...,05 - mc els e sinicloe © clon einen eee + peor nateee ae 285-286 
Reconstruction programs— 

British Wabor /Partyerceeeueceenece serine eee canis selec dae ee 7 Gnomes 

American Federation of Labor............-cesececececeees 278-279 
Referendum— 

on Declaration lof Wats ncnieivaeciee ieee és'aeiea eisieleeiele le Sateen 

on sinking of Lusitania...............+.ececceeee 90 os vcies se 2Qe-eam 
Rehabilitation of soldiers and sailors............... citAR Sache 256 
Republican party, attitude toward labor........ overs eed operate wsee's sean 


Revolution) 0 200.-2neesee aicie mie tubaye RRS Ac ndcdedomenca: 


INDEX 303 


Right of petition....... Went ca Ri aia ataalale Ah eras Sale etetarers atareian eral ulete 48, 57 
RSENS PLEA GIGS eI I sce II 
Roman people..... iereishee aiauaaa lara (arate ahotets abelniaio: aia mere abarcraisae siete) aiata eee 89 
acre) Stee eM ESE CGIOEDIE Gici go .cra's, via oicareidicvelaivianlwe ade wideale ticioe elses av gingee OO 
Ruling class......... aialaiats oustate|elarerarecsieisianete'a ese eiatere Awe eae ela aman 7 
Russia— 
American labor’s message to Russian people.................... 260 
discontent caused by tyranny................ Sahalattierele mal ate waters 13-14 
Greeting to Russian democracy by American Alliance for 
Hanon sands DeEMOCKaCY. «2 cece ws seivenes ane aeons Warneeat hu iahass a vere 253 
INERAGEUM DY ee LUSSIAN, ANIItATISM iis cieis o's sia wlam vie wie eeyeis'eeine alg ttactes 260 
ap cote MELO ISHEV LL vias wi aieieiave'e sfaiaie.0 8 sade blaes ganas sree uale amiee ate 267 
RGSS RETA UO MALIN 1 5'aejnis:arataraic alerarelcieieialaeiais advewiadiniaieiereles'ssa 9 de 2OZ=2O8 
Ss 
Sabotage ..... baie cial aniaictarere\etaielelaveaVaielsierd nid wieelviateidiatual sie <iarsis cies ZOS-20A: 
Seamen— 
mneraredenwthe AG EH Of) Las sawiciss vieeus ee vesnieveielscierds ate 129 
SARI ESM ULES eicreis: clase Wlaicrs aio siarala Wd a ede wewle'e ae aie tee eae ws 167-169 
BStre oT eA RACED NE CEUAS Gu PAW eye avcic: dic 0/0) oleisid-o-aig.a.n's’sieidieiesia eles) daactene elelel< 45, 52 
SEU Gir) See Pe Fararavciclavaralavalatarn!atalatalaletaratacave ara-0' alae solvers terrane et 151 
BSE EL ENS ML VA Narain (arm a ulate arve'a'a' a ia aa ular alaisieve wiala''siaiaw aa ateeiaiane 187 


PSU PEE PIN e cine ie Sis ia-aitieieik is wie ersielee aaa RWeSeT ewes wees see dguolsr 
Socialism— 
nN MIS ESP ols os arc aah ove eidleraidleieieigie wisiecc'e Ga dvd wid aisiaal aia ese LOMSEOS 


WIEN ACE OB eo erersic:n\eiorele a'ere'e Aa sGae Alahataiai atesas ah Srabete: also neaienata ahaha gre areas IQI-192 
Parliamentary: SOCIALISM. «. <j... sce cccascess srataceceks aera Sacha cece 220 
philosophy of..... Merraiabetatetteenrertin @ sla giacetsare wee eee. $4 soda EZOero 
practical socialism By ESBEQHE Go's 4 iurain savin sale'cisiels Cale wien ce Sule IQI 
socialist vs. trade union procedure for protection of constitu- 

tional TIGHtS......6:..644 aves tatata rela iare a'srcles stare wrahatarsravabatranns . ++ 193-1904 

guage 
_. aim at physical force revolution through destruction of trade 

WNTOMGM ss ce ors Cea ata pe leratera & aieewlake aislcisve a cteetaeree ete Sie eae 180 
are unreasonable...... Seater cleen) af ae aie a's ug. ant dw alcoves oval Sena were roa 37 
attempts to dominate trade union movement.......... ..s.. 180-184 
and boycotting union cigarmakers...... mAs: aias acareia inlalaee ecetaerereeard 178 
compared with capitalist enemies of trade unions.......... 189-190 
and constitutional rights...... Rea aio eine wi bAsieca fe ela. oitiereeronarner . 193-194 
andthe co-operative commonwealth...........csccscsecuececeus 195 
FUNGHMECOHOMUG,  PrODlEMiss eke co cacc a cas aes 0c cere 's cae Oe SASS 176 
audotne wEuropean Wares <cienes cs a chides a valid wratergtabehorena arama 236-237 
enced |Sactalists on Bolshevisn< <<< <<< cscs eemecan cuecaeene 207-208 
German socialists......... OE ESO COI ELE noticia corignken: 
ANG GOMPBETISM | .<\)2 daa cucu Saha taata tail aia her al ara a: aluhalavarahaiere ts ae weak oye 193 
AMEIMEMES MELAS ATMOS ecracicls aie ales cic a's alsa cisrevere aici dare weiha gate Sees 
ane apoE (Way... ss:ecueies Bra rteroreraicietaneisietaiateras as ve ecreetatenals 177-178 
RMUMNEAIMthACE! UMLOMISES ee ceric ohare cidiee sie w a ialeclaleh outs a ulaaalaemeeuin 190 
Bilge PSOPErty.. <<.+.<c ate rebar aretehascas bi stois lates sva fo acmaiaicvaitliai mM aetale .. 176-177 
PAM Ce NGI Sisson nade eed Sie ose a aie: Safer Sia: aROney aera br crete 184 
and strikes..... Aen AC Ceres sike tate aes Sr mcitntic 175 
SPO DLE MEMTGINS ait sheki ga 0's. a se o/s o k's 1x alu a Callalp Od aa wie aeldulre ae 175 
and trade union candidates for ae Bree Weed hae Ghee Sentara 177 


on violence and the McNamara case............... datos aed 186-187 


304 INDEX 


Socialists and the European War— 
France © .¢2$ sisdscbiie ns assess eee «| a/6/=\5)e le) Sete aie iatn alata 
Germany (ss.:525225s3 22 seesenreh ase Fades eee ddeseece css 
Ttaly 220s. 5e sects ccaesteceessh ess eee Shims Seve se 237-238 


Social justice. 2.05. 0.02¢ 22 .o2. 525.0 eee Veit eleeties 
Social progress: ..2. 26.2500. 5..000 0000) eee eae se 15] 
Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance: )>-)eaeeeee eee eee eee I 
Soldiers and sailors— 
demobilization — 225 5Nass Se deee eee «oe te RR, Ui 286-287 
dependents: -:2:::s5.ssses50)9: 55.01. Seen ee eee 249-250 
employment. for: ..44.2454442%445 62 Seen Ee 287, 200 
land settlement: : 2: {2252505553522 54 2250 SS Eee eet nea 7 
Spanish-American War..............:2 shee eee eee EEE 223-225 
Square Deal, The...........0.00 60+ ¢sc:se eee eee eae 
Startd patisms 5) eye ees PR SG a aoa O ons boee ao ee 
State, The— 
police power iof.s22 22h seers AP ie ic 233 eeeeeoeee 56 Mais 0's 0,0 
policies directed by organization. +... <..J.522e ee eee eee ee eee i 
represents wealth owners....:..5.....cccceneeeees Delete ste a's oe i 
State: jurisdiction: .:2ss:s2525425665222 55 4aenene eee Be ee ¢ 
State.) Soctalisms ta ioe eee o’s'e's alalale eleteleteletetotetaie eo eee 32 
Stockholm Conference (socialist )— 
A. F. of L.. refuses to- attend. :... 2:25 222s eee seeeeeee eee 3 
called by pro-Kaiser interests................. 3 ox Dee 230-2 
Stowe, Lyman - Beecher... 4/455.5/..1/732 553 eee ee eee 
Street-car employees, wages, conditions...................++---->- 149 
Strikes— | 
cigarmakers,  \a68e a4 a0ascnde soos ceevsdadudded see eee Rei < 148 
of government employees...........-.5.0e eee eee een 7 
illegal ..-...0.5. 2520550 $5 ence anc ese nee 267-268 


lawful . no. cee ees deen bebe dees sc ble sce ee ee ; 

Lincoln’s’ Opinion :.(...c1/.<:c<!s!sleer o/c guanine ie Eve ee .. ie 
and “neutrality ns) y..a--e 10 oid 0 satis! ala ee 227- 

and the “public”... 22.24.02. 0.0025. 02 22a 25-26 
right of minority to SEpere REMPPMP reiconn Supodosdas j 
right: to ‘strikes. yeh sees mene ee acct see oR oe Lee 59-62 
socialist attitude toward... +61 s.seeese ee cece eee e eee eee scene 75 


Supreme Court, United States— 
characters Voloaeceeeeee Suibkanakwene 5 oa ok oO EEE ou oth se eee )3 


Syndicalisn eee eee aiele e'ele'elalcle ORR eee 200- 
Sunday labore. 2. neeteeceeknnes eels 60 0's eee eae eee os ste 6 3 


Taft-Vale decision. «i.)-4 salanveer wisisie'e'e'e/s isle ciao eee 6. 5 52 
‘Tailoresses, hours, wages?) (2.2 <=. sce eee outhe men Pome 149-15¢ 
Teachers— ‘ 

French government dissolves teachers’ union................-- .» 08) 


| 


PHEOLELICIANS | ..cs<oees.e Brahe Sialepehehat kale dials wage eiaiebe ea sel Mistae mrs 23 
Trade Unions— 
ACHING EM EHIES I yee sic10: vis oienis ie-alaue ate wi sldsinie ashe 127-130, 166, 176, 179-180 
FLESH OTMMMET IRIE ales eek aie § ale ciateihisiatace ele’ oid Ste ee ae UR UDA decals Page 8 
ZvGUGl [ESATO Y GAS ARR RN Uae coe RNR PRL ay ed PA Hea al ails 
Control of members political’ activity:.....:00-sccesen sees cess see 132 
aid CONtEOlVOn »—PrOperty....cscecccescee s Wy aeciaverauthel ohoedsiendatsrs . -94-95 
SUI IMMIGEN USS EANTAIITS ITM cays a eyctosaictrar ovals. eheteyarevs cavoile/e:te o oustotars var anaioielave ue atieoatavantene 2 
PARRA MMELIC MCG OELISES 45, -) ol nj /aVet so loayestcv ate akae lat avssey4. <i 0s aseraven srk suckdosmvepacayel wl shcts 75-76 
AMEN COUTE GECKEES)., 656 0cc sce ccc cee REO A NG sin Ec n rToo es Uee 75-76 
PASH TIETO M1) Oi, WEA ble sccha eis sis a core, at seralere aha fale ailever sisi aveve suave, eiels 59 
and edtication:..........% aialousnstspar aia eiehoeis shes Sihlalettro steiarave 2.84243 
BUGTEMTIAES Cig APR BE EOC Oe GEE DEC OCC ean arin er amee PRR Orc 19 
Ease cl mes tes EUL UROL AU LAW Sie ot cota) cove oi eis iatelia cis flare levejel~) sheteye oomcara tetas ialehvelars 59-60 
VO POTIE NY Olfiele sc 6; sie,j0,s.0.0)s18\0.8.2)0 18 0.010,0 sade steno share avectace meen Nave etah tae seers 60 
exclusively of wage earners..........cccccccccceee Soult Lehi dae tag 30, 31 
andumxed sPLOSLAMS 6)... s be eae bee sare acc lane cap vae ai ayer as spin te ek-22 
UETCl MMB TE CMON IC ersten ie alot scoraitchacarelg atetarana i wlereial fave migpua lointoneiers wise eee 2 
HIEGRCONT Oli a Bee ee ae TRIES oot WEN haa ee es 18, 19 
FE CHGUS (COIL SIM COMIN o et 2d e oly ny al (aie iaso\ $19 'elgoave cal otal roe Soe ieee el eesnig oieuaroe r6 
and fundamental rights........ Sigrghrace ds sialae PRR Midna Eerie Nien Su & 74 
MU CAISMUMOL Ge else ec ses oe eeeieies » Sete arisli eral Sa) M0 oi ney Mon eg ee St 154-155 
PRELG RY EE ATM RT ALO NDN AN, ls Lave goa leicieieis suave suelseiecelele alec e ae! 44, 78-88, 290-291 
and independent political REHOR JON vac spor see ed age 125 
andummterpational labor Unity. .....ccascece ewe J ol alapale: Weronnar geet ae 221 
Nir C MM PEMSP ATC IO ALITY: 2! esc: ceils oo siaisigis # 'n ibs sg wibieiele) ee dluvelerareiarelace 246 
BING! WES SI ATO, Sk LS Oe Hs Ones CO EC ENA HREM eI Ee RUN RA Ev ap A 124 
ANC MI MOCKHOULS acs leie-ele assis oe.c esse wie ove Shay tava ta ten lacie es tncal CR ease Alea 76 
and membership in the militia........ seo ole caesa pada Mala ROY ahaa Bang 239-240 
LCL OU SMES cela s/h Sis mistelotelcrelotare have « sie a eS oaal Seva dea BERS Hee OL 
TUSSIOL | Cir, clo OA IRSA HUME en i Mee DE DL te ane SST UNA 9 
tA Sa tg COVES Sug OSE pay 50 ch aye! of vov oye) o's Sigg Srey uni shajecar sachoveneueyg, cue eyelets) ake cue 18, 19 
ATG MON —WHLONISES), |.) uielare/a ciel BLE Ey Ree Starsgitva ata a eneutgdeven tees 16-17 
FALE MBUIAUIS EGC MMeet te, H) svote) cicitavey/velietak alate ch cake e\tese svete s'al|cVal‘cilaiel svete, sibs elavar eet sleatersility 
OP MOS ULTIMO Pay ets carats cist lpave ate teeial biota arc sie sales abe, wiehwiala tote Hal Tea eM 
REG AIG EPMO ks srelelalstcl ersyatvay eidlniabetnsrafkis)s same gibiela hove Peete fe ..76 
Alene CRN MTSIA ES oS = oye ee latsyniaisisj eta eiar s siaveverole:¢ ei averseya) eral orabetoielebataneteenes 20 
FING! DOW SRST os CGO RE BOGS BEE OE CEO Eat ee awn eee sicidiefepeie nat Dy re 
and practical democracy........... Fe SAS IAY ca Sea te tislle srerole e2O 
PEER CALAN DEEL GW is a te Syeeoe alse o ciers eke pices soke aka vole lerorass) a RRA tte 20 
PACU VAE SCHOOL sivais/ ala. csicieeraa aaleis citiole ese « a ahaa, aig abo le lc aeetetarale A era NN 42 
PUG E MAT SIT PLO a5 cy hale PMstiaier aya eietorsitinse: ore alesis 2 tye dom Roa ee 3 
der aAGICAlatOVENIETES Wy aseleiy sisiers esisrare sgiest’sidisia sible otc ge dete 175 
HEUTE VOTT © \ OLE RRP ea ae otic PRR Se IRIAN VAST AL 26 
PATNA We ed OES lave stay axe aya (alayancietavaver eagah ald orate cho dca 2% /atyloce bl SMI A SHS Te ao : 
NGM SSOGIAISES! oc e.sie e visle s srve.ete'e refer Neos Aaah an ees Suavsinva ale Sava aE a 
ATCO TGR © SPRAY vote Corellcieia Celle OPEV SPo eee ella cues Sis Ar Gietet ov ah taal be eee "‘61- 62, 75- a 
Eater OMEN VAm I ULI Vescecaucstn ora tec tte te reetaa esi ceat ca whe Ns Cee Ee IE 76 
VOM ata aya SOCAL OMS) piece epatcren ate nic ciciaceneters see eel ee oe A 15 


(See also American Federation of Labor; American labor 
movement; organized labor.) 
Mca emmmiOnawheCensa scien lamar Neeisicerna cs tela tis em ale OAD 24 


PSS ater oho es nicin ef as iorele Wie a aot sinns! alantp se cnace je iahaereedi ne ag eve 15, 16, 81-95 


306 INDEX 


U 
Unemployment (05/0/00 as cc\sac'es snc eee lara alelaveletotarere's sine olate I5r 
Union: label...) .cicc cies sc aac. 0a 6 c's elae ta See eee 30, 32, 41 
United Brotherhood of Builders of America......--------.-.+.-. — 
United, Hebrew: Trades o2.,.,...j.:.)s:.:s\s.0's) <0) ete ree erento 
United. States. Government... .. 5:\.-'5./ 1. seeeigeieeteeieeee 50, 51, 174, aa 
V 
Violence a. iojs)- es s0i siosereie ib: ie le)as a hs wees oe Slee ee abiegietelets 186-189, 203 _ 
Voluntary ASSOCIATIONS... « ./.'- << \c:c:e.0 ae «1e)stolelelel ie oe Neeteeteie ete tet eter eta 15m 
Ww : 
WAGES: viliniein e's « tlelee e/slele wia's's ole o0s «nin cael eee eee ees 14, 24, 25, 27 
Wages and, priceS....osiccccediecaeee 00 wecie scene eee eee aa 171 
Wage reductions. «.. osc stues.csicceine eos ee eee eee eee 14, 285-286 
Wage. SyStems oo oj sie cnc 5 csc ce cai» ce 8 ce tte eee eee 3 
Wage workers, progress of... .. 2.2... cs cee eee eee een 7 
Wage-earning) iclass,,..toi. celcrelelelelwiateioeeereee abistes hee TS 8 
Walling, William, English...... 2... .«« <eecetieiseee tee cee 184 
War— 
abolition of. yieieiaidcieieleiccole nvetore oleled lees PO Cae & 270 
brutality. Of 0 is sles clei os aide so alee eee 229-230 
and democracy. occ ss scleblacie/s' aoc ow ace ner O ete Enea tee 233 
and. disarmanment .....:...:0:0.0.0;0\e/e:ore.5' 0: «10's 0/5 ol a Cele a eee ee 226 
and) militarism. so. d sieiel die eele oo sae ve eRe eee Ee eee 245 
and. Strikes. cs ices seine sees sacle ee «ne qs ee eer eee 227-228 
and the working class................ 219-220, 225-226, 228, 239, 270 
Wealth, concentrated 6.1.6 i eiedec cise 0/0 0 cinrels eater ete 12 
Welfare. workers) |). cd joeld dee ace eee aistwiatela) Suave gears e eee 33 
Wilson, President— 
German-Austrian attitude toward. .... .cceclinsieeineeeeeeeeieeiee 236 
program, for world) peace... ...\.:....0.)..seeeeee eee eee eee 258 
supported by inter-allied labor movements...............-.-e00: 2601 
Woman suffrage— 
supported. by organized labor...... 0. .\. sneer eee 107 
will not solve industrial problems..............ce.ceeceeseeeses 108 
World labor conference coincident with official peace conference 266-267 
Work wicscaaccccddicucccce su viccadece 60 ule Silents tells atttie 13 
Workers and) the States ij sce <0 «1 0s s+) elena BPE ic sicleats Sa fore) 
Wright, Justice... <cdicie.ciec.c 010s o100:0:0'0.010)010)slaiaielateleiatetataittetaeet= tea taint 71-72 


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